scholarly journals Testing the Ethos of Tolerance: Chin’s Interpretation of Rorty’s Political Theory

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 358-369
Author(s):  
Matthew Festenstein
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Cultural Politics ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
Ontological Turn ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract In The Practice of Political Theory, Clayton Chin puts Richard Rorty’s pragmatism in dialogue with a range of contemporary political theorists, particularly focusing on how his notion of cultural politics can speak to the ontological turn in political theory. This article focuses on Chin’s claim that Rorty’s cultural politics provides an ethos of inclusive and tolerant political engagement. After exploring the basis for Chin’s interpretation, it identifies three tensions in this ethos, in relation to character of its demandingness, the fissure between ethnocentric and egalitarian engagement, and the relationship of this ethos to the virtues and procedures of democratic citizenship.

Competing for Liberty: The Republican Critique of Democracy

2012 ◽  
Vol 106 (3) ◽  
pp. 607-621 ◽  
Author(s):  
NADIA URBINATI
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Political Equality ◽  
Contemporary Debate ◽  
Political Tradition ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Freedom as non-domination has acquired a leading status in political science. As a consequence of its success, neo-roman republicanism also has achieved great prominence as the political tradition that delivered it. Yet despite the fact that liberty in the Roman mode was forged not only in direct confrontation with monarchy but against democracy as well, the relationship of republicanism to democracy is the great absentee in the contemporary debate on non-domination. This article brings that relationship back into view in both historical and conceptual terms. It illustrates the misrepresentations of democracy in the Roman tradition and shows how these undergirded the theory of liberty as non-domination as a counter to political equality as a claim to taking part inimperium. In so doing it brings to the fore the “liberty side” of democratic citizenship as the equal rights of all citizens to exercise their political rights, in direct or indirect form.

Hans-Georg Gadamer, Truth and Method

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Foa Dienstag
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Human Relationship ◽  
Textual Interpretation ◽  
Post Modernism ◽  
Truth And Method ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
Political Value ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Hans Georg Gadamer

Hans-Georg Gadamer’s Truth and Method offers a distinctive account of the human relationship to language and history. The book had a transformative effect on many fields, including political theory. It offers a persuasive hermeneutic theory of what the obstacles to and possibilities for textual interpretation actually are and thus forms an account of the proper practice of political theory that is superior to the rival claims of historicism, Straussianism, or post-modernism. Simultaneously, it offers an account of the relationship of individuals to language-communities that recognizes their significance for cultures and persons without reifying their moral or political value. Gadamer’s account of language points toward openness and democracy rather than identity politics or nationalism.

Freedom without law

2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 298-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harrison P Frye
Keyword(s):  
Social Norms ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
The Core ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Untangling the relationship of law and liberty is among the core problems of political theory. One prominent position is that there is no freedom without law. This article challenges the argument that, because law is constitutive of freedom, there is no freedom without law. I suggest that, once properly understood, the argument that law is constitutive of freedom does not uniquely apply to law. It also applies to social norms. What law does for freedom, social norms can do too. Thus, I claim the question facing us is not the easy one of either law or social norms. Respecting this draws attention to the unique risks to our freedom introduced by both sets of norms.

Interpretation and the History of Political Theory: Apology and Epistemology

1982 ◽  
Vol 76 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
John G. Gunnell
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Subject Matter ◽  
Careful Consideration ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Historical Investigation ◽  
History Of ◽  
Traditional Approaches ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
Textual Meaning ◽  
The Relationship

Recent challenges to traditional approaches and purposes for studying the history of political theory have raised questions about its constitution as both a subject matter and subfield of political science. Methodological arguments advocating what is characterized as a more truly historical mode of inquiry for understanding political ideas and recovering textual meaning have become increasingly popular. The relationship of these hermeneutical claims about historicity, such as that advanced by Quentin Skinner, to the actual practice of interpretation is problematical. Such claims are more a defense of a certain norm of historical investigation than a method of interpretation, and the implications of this norm for the reconstitution of the history of political theory require careful consideration.

The Political Theory Implicit in Social Casework Theory

1953 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 1076-1091 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Keith-Lucas
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
The United States ◽  
Local State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Function ◽  
The Past ◽  
National Governments ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

The political theory implicit in social casework theory can be defined, for purposes of this discussion, as the theory of the relationship between man and society on which professional social casework is consciously predicated, or that theory of the relationship which is logically implied by social casework practice. This theory is not often consciously articulated and we must look for it, therefore, in those presuppositions underlying casework theory which are frequently accepted uncritically, if not wholly unconsciously. This practice obviously cannot be carried on without basic (although perhaps not entirely conscious) presuppositions about what man is like and consequently about what society can or ought to do for him.The presuppositions underlying social casework theory, although important in any context, have acquired a new significance to the extent that social casework has increasingly become a government function. During the past twenty years literally millions of people in the United States have been brought into a new relationship with officials of their local, state, and national governments—namely, the relationship of client and social caseworker.

scholarly journals THE CONCEPT OF GOVERNMENT IN THE EARLY WORKS OF ABU HASAN AL-MAWARDI

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-104
Author(s):  
F. Q. TOJIDINOV
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Public Law ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
National Importance ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

The relationship of politics to religion is a characteristic feature of Islam. The rules of divine law have to be unswervingly respected in all matters related to social, economic and political problems, or at least should not contradict the essence of Islamic principles. But despite this, the political doctrine of Islam — the caliphate, being the main medieval Muslim political thought, still caused many controversies due to the lack of regulations on the nature of power in the Qur’an and Sunnah. Many scholars of the Islamic world, understanding the origins of the problem, tried in every way to write the concept of Islamic political science. Even the existence of political ideas related to the authority in Islam in such Muslim writings on the caliph could not reveal and provide the theory of government from a religious point of view. These works are mostly devoted to the art of power and refl ect the norms of behavior of the ruling authorities and other representatives of the state in order to solve the necessary tasks of national importance. The Islamic experience of the thinkers who wrote these works justifi es the existence of an Islamic element in them. The art of government has been revealed to them since the emergence of Islamic practice in their lives. But there were theories of Islamic political science based on the Koran and the Sunnah. Al-Mawardi is one of the authors of books on Islamic political science. His books became very important for subsequent Muslim thinkers, this importance lies in the fact that the very followers who wrote works on political theory accepted al-Mawardi as an authority on this issue and continue to accept not only for the theory of the caliphate/imamate, but also because of his works related to public law. It is important to note that the work of al-Mawardi is the fi rst work, which presents the theory of the imamate/caliphate, taking into account the political conditions that surrounded him. 

Shared Heritage, Different Paths Wang Shizhen and Wang Shimao

2015 ◽  
Vol 19 (01) ◽  
pp. 45-58
Author(s):  
Kenneth J. Hammond
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Emotional Support ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Personal Relationship ◽  
Confucian Culture ◽  
Intellectual Interest ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

The relationship of brother and brother is one of the Five Great Relationships in Confucian culture, yet it has been relatively little studied. The lives of the brothers Wang Shizhen and Wang Shimao in the sixteenth century provide a case study of how two male siblings shared a family heritage of education and political engagement, and pursued parallel careers in public life, yet followed distinct paths in both their intellectual interest and political engagements. The nature of their personal relationship also serves to illustrate how the fraternal bond both structured their respective careers and provided emotional support in times of peril and loss.

‘It was then I knew life’: Political Critique and Moral Debate in Teresa Deevy's Temporal Powers (1932)

2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-355
Author(s):  
Caoilfhionn Ní Bheacháin
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Politics ◽  
Free State ◽  
Abbey Theatre ◽  
Political Critique ◽  
Dramatic Structure ◽  
Moral Debate ◽  
Irish Free State ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

This article argues that Teresa Deevy's early plays for the Abbey Theatre deliberately intervened in the cultural politics of the Irish Free State. While the focus here is on Temporal Powers (1932), Deevy's first two Abbey productions, The Reapers (1930) and A Disciple (1931), are also considered. Taken together, this article demonstrates how these plays present a striking critique of the new state under the Cumann na nGaedhael administration. Set in 1927, during the Land Annuities crisis, Temporal Powers meditates on the relationship of poor tenant labourers to the land and society they inhabit. In it, Deevy explores themes such as eviction, homelessness, emigration, justice, religion, grief, and poverty. This article introduces this little-known play, contextualises it, and discusses her treatment of key themes through an examination of characters, Shavian influences, dramatic structure and form.

scholarly journals Social Media and the Emergence, Establishment and Transformation of the Right-Wing Populist Finns Party

Populism ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-139
Author(s):  
Tuukka Ylä-Anttila
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Attention Economy ◽  
Historical Trajectory ◽  
The Right ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Inside Out

Abstract This paper assesses the significance of social media for the Finns Party and the related anti-immigration movement from 2007 to the present day, in light of theories on the relationship of populism and social media. These include people-centrism, disenfranchisement, homophily, the attention economy, media elitism, and (lack of) communicative resources. Tracing the historical trajectory of the Finnish anti-immigration movement and the Finns Party, I argue that the Finnish case is an example of a movement being born online and using social media to build a political identity and strategically gain influence through a party, eventually transforming it from the inside out—rather than the party strategically using social media for its purposes, as is sometimes assumed in party-centric literature. While acknowledging the continued importance of parties, research on contemporary populist movements must take into account the political engagement of citizens facilitated by online media.

scholarly journals The Relationship of Leadership Quality to the Political Presence of Civic Associations

2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hahrie Han ◽  
Kenneth T. Andrews ◽  
Marshall Ganz ◽  
Matthew Baggetta ◽  
Chaeyoon Lim
Keyword(s):  
Community Context ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
The Political ◽  
Civic Associations ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Arena ◽  
Leadership Quality ◽  
Explanatory Factors ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Member-based civic associations, or citizen groups, have two crucial roles in American democracy. They advocate for members' interests in the public arena, but also operate as Tocquevillian “schools of democracy” linking citizens to politics and equipping them with the skills of democratic citizenship. Yet scant research has examined the interrelationships of these two roles. Does the work that civic associations do in developing democratic participants enhance the work they do advocating for members' interests in the public arena? We bring together two previously disparate strands of research on civic associations by arguing that a key factor affecting the political presence of civic associations is leadership quality. We focus on the relationship of leadership quality to political presence, using data from a unique 2003 study of 226 local entities of the Sierra Club. We show that organizations with more skilled and committed leaders have higher levels of political presence. This contrasts with previous research that has focused primarily on community context and resources as explanatory factors. This study shows that political presence is related to the extent to which leaders develop their skills and demonstrate commitment to the organization.

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