Freedom without law

2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 298-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harrison P Frye

Untangling the relationship of law and liberty is among the core problems of political theory. One prominent position is that there is no freedom without law. This article challenges the argument that, because law is constitutive of freedom, there is no freedom without law. I suggest that, once properly understood, the argument that law is constitutive of freedom does not uniquely apply to law. It also applies to social norms. What law does for freedom, social norms can do too. Thus, I claim the question facing us is not the easy one of either law or social norms. Respecting this draws attention to the unique risks to our freedom introduced by both sets of norms.

Author(s):  
А.В. Мацук

В статье исследуются события бескоролевья 1733 г. в Речи Посполитой. Согласно «трактату Левенвольде» компромиссным кандидатом на избрание монархом Речи Посполитой был португальский инфант дон Мануэль, которого предложила Австрия. Россия больше склонялась к кандидатуре «пяста». Россия оказалась не подготовленной к началу бескоролевья. Бывшие российские союзники магнаты ВКЛ рассорились с российским послом Фридрихом Казимиром Левенвольде и перешли на сторону Франции. В конце февраля 1733 г. в ВКЛ направили Юрия Ливена, который от имени российской царицы предложил поддержку в получении короны Михаилу Вишневецкому и Павлу Сангушке. Принятое на конвокационном сейме решение об избрании королем «пяста» и католика показало популярность Станислава Лещинского. В результате вслед за Австрией Россия поддержала кандидатом на корону Фридриха Августа. Магнаты ВКЛ до последнего оставались конкурентами о короне. Оппозиция Лещинскому объединилась под лозунгом защиты «вольного выбора» и поэтому в ней остались кандидаты «пясты», которые не могли уступить друг другу, и согласились на компромисс – кандидатуру Фридриха Августа. Для противодействия возможному избранию Лещинского Россия создала в ВКЛ новоградскую конфедерацию. Ее организатором стал новоградский воевода Николай Фаустин Радзивилл. Эта конфедерация становится основой Генеральной Варшавской конфедерации, которая 5 октября 1733 г. избирает королем саксонского курфюрста. The article examines the events of the «kingless» year of 1733 in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. According to the Levenwolde Treaties the compromise candidate for the Commonwealth’s throne was the Portuguese Infante Don Manuel, who’s candidacy was proposed by Austria. Russia, in turn, leaned towards the «pyasta» candidate. The Russian Empire was clearly unprepared for the start of the kingless period. Russia’s former allies – magnates of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania – came into conflict with the Russian ambassador Frederick Kazimir Levenwolde and sided with France. In late February of 1733, Empress Anna Ioanovna of Russia sent Yuri Liven to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, who offered official support in the struggle for the crown to Mikhail Vishnevetsky and Pavel Sangushka. The electoral decision made at the Sejm proved the popularity of the «pyast» and Catholic candidates, specifically – Stanislaus Leschinsky. In turn, Russia – following Austria – showed its support for the candidacy of Frederick August. The magnates of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania remained in opposition in the crown issue until the very last. Opposition to Leschinsky was united under the motto of «free choice». For that reason, it was comprised of «pyasta» candidates, who were in a deadlock with one another, and were now ready for the compromise candidacy of Frederick Augustus. In order to counter the possible election of Leschinsky, Russia created the Novograd Confederation in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It was organized by the Novograd Voevoda Faustin Radzivill. This confederation became the core of the General Warsaw Confederation that – on October 5th 1733 – elected the Saxon King to the throne of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.


Teknokultura ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Josep Lobera

The emergence of inclusive populist parties disputes the social construction of the ‘people’ to the exclusive populism, recently generating new academic debates. Do the new radical left parties have a nationalist character? Are populism and nationalism two inseparable dimensions? Drawing on an original dataset in Spain, this article shows that Podemos’ supporters are significantly less nationalist, expressing more open attitudes towards cultural diversity and immigration, and lower levels of Spanishness than voters from other parties. Arguably, Podemos operates as an antagonistic political option to the traditional positions of the populist radical right (PRR), building an inclusive imagined community around a type of constitutional patriotism or republican populism. These findings contribute to the scholar debate on the relationship of nationalism and populism, bringing to discussion the core values of the supporters of a populist party as a complementary element to its categorization.


2014 ◽  
Vol 472 ◽  
pp. 427-431
Author(s):  
Zong Lin Ye ◽  
Hui Cao ◽  
Li Xin Jia ◽  
Yan Bin Zhang ◽  
Gang Quan Si

This paper proposes a novel multi-radius density clustering algorithm based on outlier factor. The algorithm first calculates the density-similar-neighbor-based outlier factor (DSNOF) for each point in the dataset according to the relationship of the density of the point and its neighbors, and then treats the point whose DSNOF is smaller than 1 as a core point. Second, the core points are used for clustering by the similar process of the density based spatial clustering application with noise (DBSCAN) to get some sub-clusters. Third, the proposed algorithm merges the obtained sub-clusters into some clusters. Finally, the points whose DSNOF are larger than 1 are assigned into these clusters. Experiments are performed on some real datasets of the UCI Machine Learning Repository and the experiments results verify that the effectiveness of the proposed model is higher than the DBSCAN algorithm and k-means algorithm and would not be affected by the parameter greatly.


Author(s):  
Joshua Foa Dienstag

Hans-Georg Gadamer’s Truth and Method offers a distinctive account of the human relationship to language and history. The book had a transformative effect on many fields, including political theory. It offers a persuasive hermeneutic theory of what the obstacles to and possibilities for textual interpretation actually are and thus forms an account of the proper practice of political theory that is superior to the rival claims of historicism, Straussianism, or post-modernism. Simultaneously, it offers an account of the relationship of individuals to language-communities that recognizes their significance for cultures and persons without reifying their moral or political value. Gadamer’s account of language points toward openness and democracy rather than identity politics or nationalism.


Author(s):  
Guanglin Bai ◽  
Yun Bai

It is well known that environmental protection behaviors are influenced by both individual internal motivation and external environmental pressure, but few studies have looked at the two kinds of factors together. In order to study the influence mechanism of these two kinds of factors on the environmental protection behavior of urban residents, especially the difference between these two kinds of factors, we take personal norms and social norms as independent variables into the theoretical model. Results based on survey data of 731 urban residents revealed that personal norms and social norms both are positively associated with environmental protection behavior. Moreover, environmental protection willingness was found to mediate the relationship of personal and social norms with environmental protection behavior. We also found that the direct and indirect influences of personal norms on environmental protection behavior are greater than that of social norms. Further, the study revealed that cost consciousness moderates the relationship between personal norms, environmental protection willingness, and environmental protection behavior. Our results suggest that personal norms have a greater impact on environmental protection behavior than social norms. Therefore, we need to make greater efforts to promote environmental education and cultivate young people’s sense of environmental responsibility from an early age. At the same time, it is necessary to maintain appropriate environmental pressure and reduce the environmental cost in the daily life of residents.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 1399-1408 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Hoekman ◽  
Douglas Nelson

Abstract How should we think about the winners and losers from globalization? What role can narrative analysis play in doing so? We argue that to be useful, identifying politically relevant narratives on the distributional effects of globalization, and the role played by trade agreements in fostering such effects, must have an empirical basis. Characterizing different narratives and inferring from each the implications for the (re-)design of international agreements without analysis whether the suggested policy reforms will help losers from globalization does not advance matters. Effectively employed, narrative analysis can extend our knowledge of the politics of trade and policy towards globalization more generally. To do so, it must have an analytical foundation, centre on the relationship of the narrative to the facts, ask which narrative is more persuasive based on empirical evidence and assess whether inferred policy implications will address the core issues of concern to those who employ the narrative.


1982 ◽  
Vol 76 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
John G. Gunnell

Recent challenges to traditional approaches and purposes for studying the history of political theory have raised questions about its constitution as both a subject matter and subfield of political science. Methodological arguments advocating what is characterized as a more truly historical mode of inquiry for understanding political ideas and recovering textual meaning have become increasingly popular. The relationship of these hermeneutical claims about historicity, such as that advanced by Quentin Skinner, to the actual practice of interpretation is problematical. Such claims are more a defense of a certain norm of historical investigation than a method of interpretation, and the implications of this norm for the reconstitution of the history of political theory require careful consideration.


1953 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 1076-1091 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Keith-Lucas

The political theory implicit in social casework theory can be defined, for purposes of this discussion, as the theory of the relationship between man and society on which professional social casework is consciously predicated, or that theory of the relationship which is logically implied by social casework practice. This theory is not often consciously articulated and we must look for it, therefore, in those presuppositions underlying casework theory which are frequently accepted uncritically, if not wholly unconsciously. This practice obviously cannot be carried on without basic (although perhaps not entirely conscious) presuppositions about what man is like and consequently about what society can or ought to do for him.The presuppositions underlying social casework theory, although important in any context, have acquired a new significance to the extent that social casework has increasingly become a government function. During the past twenty years literally millions of people in the United States have been brought into a new relationship with officials of their local, state, and national governments—namely, the relationship of client and social caseworker.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-104
Author(s):  
F. Q. TOJIDINOV

The relationship of politics to religion is a characteristic feature of Islam. The rules of divine law have to be unswervingly respected in all matters related to social, economic and political problems, or at least should not contradict the essence of Islamic principles. But despite this, the political doctrine of Islam — the caliphate, being the main medieval Muslim political thought, still caused many controversies due to the lack of regulations on the nature of power in the Qur’an and Sunnah. Many scholars of the Islamic world, understanding the origins of the problem, tried in every way to write the concept of Islamic political science. Even the existence of political ideas related to the authority in Islam in such Muslim writings on the caliph could not reveal and provide the theory of government from a religious point of view. These works are mostly devoted to the art of power and refl ect the norms of behavior of the ruling authorities and other representatives of the state in order to solve the necessary tasks of national importance. The Islamic experience of the thinkers who wrote these works justifi es the existence of an Islamic element in them. The art of government has been revealed to them since the emergence of Islamic practice in their lives. But there were theories of Islamic political science based on the Koran and the Sunnah. Al-Mawardi is one of the authors of books on Islamic political science. His books became very important for subsequent Muslim thinkers, this importance lies in the fact that the very followers who wrote works on political theory accepted al-Mawardi as an authority on this issue and continue to accept not only for the theory of the caliphate/imamate, but also because of his works related to public law. It is important to note that the work of al-Mawardi is the fi rst work, which presents the theory of the imamate/caliphate, taking into account the political conditions that surrounded him. 


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