Assessing Japan’s Arctic Engagement during the ArCS Project (2015–2020)

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 328-348
Author(s):  
Romain Chuffart ◽  
Sakiko Hataya ◽  
Osamu Inagaki ◽  
Lindsay Arthur
Keyword(s):  
The Arctic ◽  
Main Stage ◽  
Arctic Council ◽  
Linear Approach ◽  
The Future ◽  
Arctic Policy ◽  
The Web

As Japan is considered a non-regional actor in Arctic governance, this paper begins with analysing how Japan navigates the web of Arctic governance and how it manages to create a coherent Arctic narrative and engages with the Arctic both inside and outside the region. The present research argues that the construction of an Arctic identity is a praxis performed through time that needs to be constantly reaffirmed. To illustrate this point, the paper then uses a lateral rather than linear approach to assess the influence of the Arctic on Japan at present. This paper assesses Japan’s engagement on the main stage where Arctic governance is performed (i.e. The Arctic Council) since the release of Japan’s Arctic Policy and under the Arctic Challenge for Sustainability project, Japan’s flagship program for Arctic research. Looking to the future, countries such as Japan who are willing to be involved in all parts of Arctic governance will have to make a choice about what kind of Arctic relationships they want to create and in which of these relationships Japan could invest more.

The present and future competence of the European Union in the Arctic

Polar Record ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 361-371 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timo Koivurova ◽  
Kai Kokko ◽  
Sebastien Duyck ◽  
Nikolas Sellheim ◽  
Adam Stepien
Keyword(s):  
International Negotiations ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Crucial Importance ◽  
Arctic Council ◽  
The Third ◽  
Broad Array ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Arctic Policy ◽  
The Eu

ABSTRACTThe European Union's (EU's) intention of becoming a permanent observer in the Arctic Council and the reluctance of Arctic actors to grant it that status have made the union's aspirations in the Arctic the subject of a continuing debate. The discussion appears to be dominated by geographical considerations and the EU's gradually emerging Arctic policy. This article puts forward a different view of the EU's presence in the region, one drawing on an analysis of relevant EU competences. As a complex international actor, the EU has acquired a broad array of decision-making powers from its member states, powers that partly extend to Iceland and Norway via the EEA Agreement. Moreover, the EU has in many cases become a relevant actor in international negotiations and treaty making processes the outcomes of which are of crucial importance for the governance of the Arctic. Our argument in the third and concluding section is that only by including the EU in Arctic governance can the international community provide better prospects for the union to sensitise its policies and discourses to the Arctic realities and for other Arctic actors to understand how the union functions. This argument is supported by an analysis of the EU's restrictions on the import of seal products and the ensuing litigation.

Russia-China Collaboration in the Arctic

2019 ◽  
pp. 207-219
Author(s):  
Nikolay Kotlyarov
Keyword(s):  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
Legal Regime ◽  
Arctic Council ◽  
Northern Sea Route ◽  
Recent Trends ◽  
Bilateral Cooperation ◽  
Arctic Policy ◽  
Settlement Of Disputes ◽  
Expert Community

In recent years, the international expert community has demonstrated a growing interest in China's Arctic policy. To a great extent, such an interest has been triggered by recent gaining an observer status in the Arctic Council by China, as well as by China's efforts to actively participate in elaborating the rules of global governance. China has a range of interests in the Arctic, including climate change problems, opportunities for energy diversification, and development of the Northern Sea Route. Among Russian experts, the discussion on the desirability of cooperation with China has lately shifted towards the acknowledging the need to strengthen Russia-China strategic partnership in the Arctic, particularly in the context of worsening relations between Russia and Western countries. The chapter addresses recent trends in Russia's and China's attitudes to bilateral cooperation in the Arctic and analyzes experts' approaches to the settlement of disputes, including such issues as the legal regime of the Arctic and the development of navigation along the Northern Sea Route.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE RUSSIAN SEGMENT OF THE ARCTIC ZONE AS A REGIONAL MEASUREMENT OF WORLD GEOPOLITICS

2020 ◽  
pp. 73-77
Author(s):  
T.S. Sukhodaeva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World Economy ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
Russian Arctic ◽  
Competitive Advantages ◽  
Arctic Zone ◽  
Arctic Council ◽  
The World ◽  
Arctic Policy

The article discusses the features of the Arctic zone, its place in the world economy and international relations. The reasons for the intersection of the geopolitical interests of the leading states of the world in this region are revealed. The main directions of scientific and technical cooperation in the development of the Arctic are identified. The role of the Arctic Council in solving the problem of coordinating the interests of various actors in the region is shown. The strategic necessity of the development of the Arctic as a region free of conflicts and rivalry is substantiated. The analysis of the Russian Arctic policy and mechanisms for its implementation. The author substantiates the conclusion that the development of the Russian Arctic zone can become a driving force for the qualitative growth of the national economy, the formation of the country's competitive advantages in the long term, as well as maintaining the global ecological balance and stability.

scholarly journals The Specifics of the Partnership between Russia and the Republic of Korea in the Economic Development of the Arctic

2021 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 7-14
Author(s):  
Ya. V. Leksyutina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Republic Of Korea ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
Resource Base ◽  
Arctic Council ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Northern Sea Route ◽  
Policy Statements ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Arctic Policy

Since 2013, when the Republic of Korea (ROK) was admitted in the Arctic Council as an observer and issued its first Arctic policy, Seoul has strengthened its engagement in the Arctic and revealed its strong interest in expanding the economic cooperation in the Arctic with Russia. Seeing Arctic cooperation as mutually beneficial and further advancing the bilateral relations, Russia and the ROK have made a number of policy statements on their intentions to develop cooperation in the Arctic. This paper reveals the specifics and current scale of Russia’s cooperation with the ROK in the development of the resource base of the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation and the Northern Sea Route.

scholarly journals Biden Administration's Arctic Policy Outlook

2021 ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Nikita Lipunov
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
Infrastructure Projects ◽  
Arctic Council ◽  
White House ◽  
Multilateral Cooperation ◽  
Arctic Policy ◽  
Rules Of The Game

The goal of US Arctic policy today is to consolidate its status as an Arctic power. To that end, the Biden administration has reshuffled personnel and institutions, stepped up the fight against climate change, initiated infrastructure projects in Alaska, and emphasised multilateral cooperation, including through NATO and the Arctic Council. The White House is not interested in excessive confrontation with Russia in the region and recognises the need for clear 'rules of the game' in the Arctic.

scholarly journals Arctic Futures–Future Arctics?

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (16) ◽  
pp. 9420
Author(s):  
Oran R. Young
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Driving Forces ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
Multiple Perspectives ◽  
Arctic Council ◽  
The Future ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Socioeconomic Consequences

Is the Arctic sufficiently distinctive and uniform to justify adopting a holistic perspective in thinking about the future of the region? Or do we need to acknowledge that the Arctic encompasses a number of different subregions whose futures may diverge more or less profoundly? In the aftermath of the Cold War, a view of the Arctic as a distinctive region with a policy agenda of its own arose in many quarters and played a prominent role in shaping initiatives such as the launching of the Arctic Environmental Protection Strategy in 1991 and the creation of the Arctic Council in 1996. Yet not everyone found this perspective persuasive at the time, and more recent developments have raised new questions about the usefulness of this perspective as a basis for thinking about the future of the Arctic. As a result, some observers take the view that we need to think more about future Arctics than about Arctic futures. Yet, today, climate change provides a central thread tying together multiple perspectives on the Arctic. The dramatic onset of climate change has turned the Arctic into the frontline with regard to the challenges of adapting to a changing biophysical setting. Ironically, the impacts of climate change also have increased the accessibility of massive reserves of hydrocarbons located in the Arctic, contributing to a feedback loop accelerating climate change. This means that the future of the Arctic will reflect the interplay between efforts to address the biophysical and socioeconomic consequences of climate change on the one hand and the influence of the driving forces underlying the political economy of energy development on the other.

scholarly journals Consultative meetings of non-Arctic states on the status of the Arctic

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 296-318
Author(s):  
Alexander N. Vylegzhanin ◽  
◽  
Elena V. Kienko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Arctic Ocean ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
Legal Regime ◽  
Arctic Council ◽  
The Arctic Ocean ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Arctic Policy ◽  
New Instruments

The article, in the context of the contemporary status of the Arctic, examines the legal and political documents adopted by China, Japan and South Korea in regard to their arctic policy, including those agreed upon by these three States. The alarming reaction to such documents in the Arctic coastal states, firstly, in the USA and Canada, is also considered in the article. Relevant western scholars’ arguments are scrutinized, such as the increase of “China’s military power”; China’s “insatiable appetite” for access to natural resources in the Arctic; the argument that “China seeks to dominate” the Arctic and the situation when “the Arctic Council is split”; the notion that China makes other non-Arctic States create separate legal documents concerning the regime of the Arctic Ocean. The article concludes that the western interpretation of such documents is alarming only in relation to China. The research shows that up till now there are no grounds for such estimations of China’s negative role. However, statements by Chinese officials as cited in the article and some provisions stipulated in “China’s Arctic policy” contradict the common will of the Arctic coastal states in regard to the legal regime of the Arctic Ocean as reflected in the Ilulissat Declaration of 2008. In such a dynamic legal environment, new instruments of collaboration are in demand, which might involve China and other non-Arctic states in maintaining the established legal regime of the Arctic. Thus, the new instruments would deter the creation (with unpredictable consequences) by China, Japan and South Korea of new trilateral acts relating to the status of the Arctic.

China's Arctic Interests and Policy: History, Legal Ground and Implementation

2016 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 52-62
Author(s):  
X. Guangmiao
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Arctic Council ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Policy Priority ◽  
Practical Factors ◽  
The Right ◽  
Research Document ◽  
Arctic Policy

With a brief history review of China’s participation in the 20th century Arctic activities, the article discusses basic directions of China’s Arctic interests in the 21th century, examines their legal grounds and mechanisms for their pursuit. Considering China‘s Arctic interests related to climate change, economic, scientific and political activities, the author emphasizes that the latter primarily serve its desire for a better understanding of climate change dynamics and economic interest. While elaborating on legal issues, the author also admits the existence of legal disputes that impede the pursuit of Chinese interests. Furthermore, when introducing the mechanisms for China’s Arctic interests pursuit as a complex which can be achieved in governmental, academic and commercial aspects, the obstructive practical factors in the process of implementation, and the shortcomings of the according mechanisms are discussed. Attempting to analyze the perspective and summarize the basic position of Chinese government on the present issue, the author adopts the methods of history research, document research, interdisciplinary research and comparison, and draws the conclusion that, as a non-Arctic state, China does not regard Arctic as a foreign policy priority and raises no claims in the region. China shows respect to the sovereignty and sovereign rights of Arctic countries, while insisting that non-Arctic states should also exercise the right of scientific research and navigation. To develop a partnership of cooperation, Arctic and non-Arctic states should recognize and respect each other's rights under the international law. China endorses UNCLOS to be the main legal instrument of the Arctic Governance and considers the Arctic Council as the most influential international forum promoting the development of Arctic Governance and cooperation. Unprepared as China has been to form its official Arctic policy, it will continue to actively participate in all aspects of the governance and cooperation in the region.

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