scholarly journals Generalised Trust among Second-Generation Muslim and Non-Muslim Minority Groups in Europe

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Jaap van Slageren ◽  
Frank van Tubergen

Abstract This study compares generalised trust between second-generation Muslim and non- Muslim migrant groups in Europe, and examines the effect on trust of discrimination and cultural transmission. Analysis of data from the European Social Survey of 4,687 respondents in 32 European countries shows that second-generation Muslim groups have lower levels of trust than second-generation non-Muslim minority groups. The findings provide no evidence that Muslims’ lower levels of trust are due to discrimination and exclusion. Rather, results indicate that the differences are due to cultural transmission: Muslim groups originate more often from low-trust societies, and generalised trust is transmitted from one generation to the next.

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 791-818 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefanie Reher

Abstract People with disabilities constitute one of the largest minority groups in Europe, and yet our knowledge about how they relate to the political system remains limited. In addition to facing practical barriers such as inaccessible campaign material and polling stations, they often have fewer resources that facilitate and promote confidence and engagement in politics. Moreover, experiences of discrimination and low numbers of politicians with disabilities can generate feelings of disempowerment. Using European Social Survey data from 30 countries from 2002 to 2015, this study shows that people with disabilities have lower levels of internal and external efficacy, political trust and interest, and electoral participation. The disparities in internal efficacy and political interest disappear when accounting for education, income, employment, and social contact. Meanwhile, significant gaps in external efficacy, political trust, and turnout remain to be explained. Perceptions of discrimination strengthen the internal efficacy and political interest of citizens with disabilities but further decrease their external efficacy, political trust, and turnout. The study sheds light on a frequently overlooked dimension of political inequality, provides insights on several contributing factors, and highlights where further research is needed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-215 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria da Paz Campos Lima ◽  
Antonio Martín Artiles

Taking into consideration the debate on the role of social movements and of trade unions in organising social protests, in the light of contentious and conventional politics, this article examines participation in demonstrations in Europe and the political attitudes of the participants. The article uses data from the European Social Survey to examine the differences and similarities between European countries in respect of mobilisation levels over the past decade, arguing that distrust and dissatisfaction with political institutions might be a necessary condition but not a sufficient one to justify resorting to contentious politics. The article reveals the contrasts between the levels of mobilisation in southern European countries (Portugal and Spain) and Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries (Hungary and Poland) and examines the patterns and (re)configuration of the profile of the protestors in the 2002–2014 period.


2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 105-129
Author(s):  
Maciej D. Kryszczuk

This article is devoted to methods of measuring the diversification of occupations and their use in analyzing complicated processes such as the ‘informationalization’ of work and the changes in socio-occupational structures currently being noted. The article’s comparative analyses were based on data from the first edition of the European Social Survey of 2002 and concern 15 selected European countries, including Poland. The following research questions were raised in connection with one aspect of the concept of an information economy: (a) has the percentage of employees engaged in ‘information occupations’ increased with the spread of the internet? (b) does a more computerized society also have a higher percent of information producers among persons who are vocationally active? (c) is the level of occupational diversification connected with the spread of the internet and if so, to what degree? At the end, the authors point to the necessity of giving deeper thought to the idea of the ‘end of work’, which is a kind of reversal of the pro-market logic of developing the labour market and technological unemployment.


2020 ◽  
pp. 147892992090699
Author(s):  
Izhak Berkovich

In this article, I define and measure the new phenomenon of defensive citizenship in Europe. The literature suggests that defensive citizenship engagement is related to attempts by entitled citizens to preserve their threatened interests. It has been on the rise worldwide, especially in Europe. Based on studies and reports on the phenomenon, I argue that defensive citizenship can be assessed among entitled citizens (those born in the country, whose both parents were born in the country) based on mistrust towards political institutions, anti-immigration attitudes and a challenging personal situation. The analysis, based on European Social Survey data, ranks European countries and uncovers concentrations of countries with high levels of defensive citizenship in Eastern Europe. I contend that this phenomenon has significant implications for the democratic functioning of European countries and the stability of the continent.


Author(s):  
Francesca Borgonovi ◽  
Beatrice d'Hombres ◽  
Bryony Hoskins

Abstract This article examines the impact of education on political participation in 15 European countries. We use data from the European Social Survey and find that education is positively associated with voter turnout and information acquisition about politics and currents affairs. However, when we use exogeneous changes in compulsory schooling to instrument education, we observe a statistically significant causal relationship in the case of information acquisition but not voter turnout.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 419-437
Author(s):  
Jessica Gale ◽  
Christian Staerklé ◽  
Eva G. T. Green ◽  
Emilio Paolo Visintin

Contemporary political philosophers debate the degree to which multiculturalism, with its emphasis on collective justice principles, is compatible with Western liberal societies’ core ideologies based on individual justice principles. Taking on a social psychological perspective, the present study offers a cross-national, multilevel examination of the asymmetric compatibility hypothesis, according to which majority and ethnic minority groups differ in the association between support for individualized immigration policies (based on individual justice principles) and support for multiculturalism (based on collective justice principles). Using data from Round 7 of the European Social Survey (N = 36,732), we compared minority and majority attitudes across 1) countries with stronger versus weaker equality policies at the national level (a Migrant Integration Policy Index [MIPEX] sub-dimension indicator), and 2) Western and post-communist European countries. In line with the asymmetric compatibility hypothesis, ethnic minorities perceived significantly less incompatibility between individual and collective justice than majorities. This majority-minority asymmetric compatibility was stronger in Western countries compared to post-communist European countries. Moreover, in Western countries and in countries with stronger equality policies, ethnic minorities generally supported multiculturalism to a greater extent than majorities. Overall, these findings suggest that deep-seated ideological orientations of national contexts shape minority and majority justice conceptions and hence, also, multicultural attitudes. Implications and future research directions are discussed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 391-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adilson Marques ◽  
Miguel Peralta ◽  
João Martins ◽  
Vânia Loureiro ◽  
Paola Cortés Almanzar ◽  
...  

Purpose: This study aimed to measure healthy lifestyle for European adults. Design: Cross-sectional study. Settings: In 20 European countries. Participants: A total of 34 993 (16 749 men, 18 244 women) European adults. Measures: Data were from the 2014 European Social Survey (n = 34 993) on 4 modifiable behaviors (physical activity, fruit and vegetable consumption, not drinking alcohol to excess, and not smoking) as well as sleep quality. Analysis: Behaviors were combined and formed a healthy lifestyle measure. Binary logistic regression was done to determine associations of healthy lifestyle and sociodemographic characteristics. Results: Only 5.8% of the adults reported a healthy lifestyle. The prevalence of having a healthy lifestyle varied among European countries. The lowest rates were in Hungary (1.3%) and Czech Republic (1.9%). The highest rates were in United Kingdom (8.6%) and Finland (9.2%). Those who presented a higher likelihood of having a healthy lifestyle were middle age (odds ratio [OR] = 1.20), older people (OR = 1.34), having higher household income (OR = 1.33), being a student (OR = 1.38), and retired (OR = 1.31). Those less likely to have a healthy lifestyle were lived without a partner (OR = 0.82), unemployed (OR = 0.73), and lived in rural areas (OR = 0.86). Conclusions: Few European adults were practicing 5 healthy behaviors. This should be a message for governments and be considered in the establishment of preventive public policies in the areas of health and health education.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (5) ◽  
pp. 517-534 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamara Popic ◽  
Simone M. Schneider

Differences in welfare attitudes of Eastern and Western Europeans have often been explained in terms of legacies of communism. In this article, we explore evaluations of healthcare systems across European countries and argue that East–West differences in these evaluations are explained by differences in the current institutional design of healthcare systems in the two regions. The empirical analysis is based on the fourth round of the European Social Survey, applying multilevel and multilevel mediation analysis. Our results support the institutional explanation. Regional differences in healthcare evaluations are explained by institutional characteristics of the healthcare system, that is, lower financial resources, higher out-of-pocket payments, and lower supply of primary healthcare services in Eastern compared to Western European countries. We conclude that specific aspects of the current institutional design of healthcare systems are crucial for understanding East–West differences in healthcare evaluations and encourage research to further explore the relevance of institutions for differences in welfare state attitudes across socio-political contexts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 609-609
Author(s):  
Marja Aartsen ◽  
Gražina Rapolienė

Abstract Loneliness in later life is two times more prevalent in Eastern and Southern European countries than in Northern and Western European countries. One explanation that is put forth is the difference in expectations about social relations. We examine a not often evaluated role of trust in society as factor contributing to the country differences in loneliness. We adopt the trust-as-antecedent model of social integration, and assume that social integration is associated with loneliness. We use data of respondents aged 65 and over participating in the European Social Survey and conduct a latent factors path analysis to examine the effect of trust in the system and trust in people on social capital and loneliness. Loneliness is two times more prevalent in Eastern Europe than the rest of Europe (26% vs 10%), levels of trust are substantially lower in Eastern European countries, which in turn is associated with higher levels of loneliness.


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