The 1961 Constitutional Referendum in Turkey

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 49-75
Author(s):  
Yunus Emre ◽  
Burak Cop
Keyword(s):  
Voting Behavior ◽  
English Language ◽  
The Political ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Academic Literature ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Political Scene ◽  
Missed Opportunity

The 1961 referendum on the new constitution was the first referendum held in the history of the Turkish republic. However, no deeper analysis of this phenomenon has been conducted in the English-language academic literature. This paper undertakes that objective. The new constitution was drafted and adopted under anti-democratic conditions. The post-coup era was a missed opportunity for instituting a stronger democracy. The referendum was the last nationwide vote in which traditional actors played significant roles in determining voting behavior. The notables and major landowners of the under-developed provinces led the masses to vote in favor of the new constitution. Starting in 1965, politics in Turkey became ideology-centered and class-oriented, thus causing the influence of traditional actors to diminish. Although the campaign for votes to support the referendum dominated the political scene in 1961, the electorate showed its distance from the coup anyway.

Histoire du mot «démocratie» au Canada et au Québec. Analyse politique des stratégies rhétoriques

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-343
Author(s):  
Francis Dupuis-Déri
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional Changes ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
Discursive Strategies ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Le Canada

Résumé.L'étude des discours des «pères fondateurs» du Canada moderne révèle qu'ils étaient ouvertement antidémocrates. Comment expliquer qu'un régime fondé dans un esprit antidémocratique en soit venu à être identifié positivement à la démocratie? S'inspirant d'études similaires sur les États-Unis et la France, l'analyse de l'histoire du mot «démocratie» révèle que le Canada a été associé à la «démocratie» en raison de stratégies discursives des membres de l'élite politique qui cherchaient à accroître leur capacité de mobiliser les masses à l'occasion des guerres mondiales, et non pas à la suite de modifications constitutionnelles ou institutionnelles qui auraient justifié un changement d'appellation du régime.Abstract.An examination of the speeches of modern Canada's “founding fathers” lays bare their openly anti-democratic outlook. How did a regime founded on anti-democratic ideas come to be positively identified with democracy? Drawing on the examples of similar studies carried out in the United States and France, this analysis of the history of the term “democracy” in Canada shows that the country's association with “democracy” was not due to constitutional or institutional changes that might have justified re-labelling the regime. Instead, it was the result of the political elite's discursive strategies, whose purpose was to strengthen the elite's ability to mobilize the masses during the world wars.

History of the Word "Democracy" in Canada and Québec: A Political Analysis of Rhetorical Strategies

2010 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Dupuis-Déri
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rhetorical Strategies ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
Discursive Strategies ◽  
Political Analysis ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Masses

An examination of the speeches of modern Canada’s “founding fathers” reveals that they were openly antidemocratic. How did a regime founded on anti-democratic ideas come to be positively identified with democracy? Drawing on similar studies of the United States and France, this analysis of the history of the term democracy in Canada shows that the country’s association with democracy was not due to constitutional or institutional changes that might have justified re-labelling the country’s political regime. Rather, it was the result of discursive strategies employed by the political elite to strengthen its ability to mobilize the masses during the World Wars.

Lyrics of Protest

2017 ◽  
pp. 257-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Gakahu
Keyword(s):  
Freedom Of Speech ◽  
Country Music ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
Political Music ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Alternative Means ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Political Songs

The history of Kenya is loaded with continuous moments when music played a key role in expressing various issues in the country. Music is one of the most important modes through which ordinary Kenyans express their wishes, identity, frustrations and aspirations. For a long time, freedom of speech in Kenya, especially on issues touching political injustice had been curtailed. However, musicians in Kenya offered an alternative means of challenging the political status quo in the country by use of musical lyrics which address injustices directly or metaphorically. What is the place of music in Kenya's political landscape? Has political music in Kenya made a difference in governance and in educating the masses on their political and social rights? Have political songs helped change the political and social climate in Kenya? These issues are examined in this chapter.

Dutch-Indonesian Relations 1940–1941

1965 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-47
Author(s):  
J. M. Pluvier
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Basic Principle ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Economic ◽  
Ethical Policy ◽  
Mutual Relations ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Political Scene

The development of pre-war Indonesian nationalism may be divided into four periods. The first period witnessed the shy initial attempts to achieve improvements in the cultural, economic, political and religious fields, stimulated more or less by the then prevalent Ethical Policy of the Dutch administration. During the late tens and the early twenties the political scene was dominated by the Sarekat Islam and the Partai Komunis Indonesia, at first collaborating, later competing with each other, but, whatever their mutual relations, both responsible for an amount of vociferous agitation and political vivacity which highly upset Dutch official and private circles. The abortive communist revolts of 1926–7 led to a harsh repression of everything communist, while the Sarekat Islam was losing its hold over the masses with which it had lost contact already after it had thrown out the leftists. At this stage real nationalism began to fill the vacuum caused by the disappearance of the P.K.I, and the powerlessness of the S.I. There is no doubt that the previous agitation had been motivated by genuine nationalist feelings, but these had either been subordinated to or run parallel with more internationally inclined movements such as Islamic reformism and Marxist socialism. After 1926, however, nationalism – and professedly Indonesian nationalism for that matter – was made the basic principle of political action. This became clear when the oldest party, the very cautious, in its origins very aristocratic and hardly more than Central Javanese Boedi Oetomo decided to include Indonesian nationalism into its programme. The new trend received its most clear expression, of course, in Soekarno's Partai Nasional Indonesia, which advocated a Free Indonesia, to be achieved by non-cooperation with the Dutch administration and the broadest possible co-operation with other political parties.

scholarly journals On Disabilities

1970 ◽  
pp. 2
Author(s):  
Nawaf Kabbara
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
People With Disability ◽  
History Of ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right ◽  
First Time ◽  
Disability Movement ◽  
Political Scene

The Lebanese parliamentary election was a very decisive moment in the country’s history. As a result of this election, a new parliamentary majority and discourse dominated the political scene. The election was also peculiar concerning the disability cause in Lebanon. For the first time in the history of Lebanon’s elections, disability became an issue. In fact, the Lebanese disability movement succeeded in launching two different but complementary campaigns during the election. The first one was engineered by both the Lebanese Physical Handicapped Union and the Youth Blind Association. Under the title “Haqqi” or “My Right,” the campaign focused on the right of people with disability to practice one of their most important rights: the political right to vote.

The Martyrological Frame

2019 ◽  
pp. 53-73
Author(s):  
Walter Armbrust
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
Tahrir Square ◽  
Political Scene

This chapter examines how the history of martyrdom inscribed in and around Tahrir Square constitutes one frame for the political performances that were the idioms of revolution. Martyrs are very common in commemoration, though not necessarily iconic in the sense that they inspire veneration or attract the eye. However, it would be a mistake to dismiss the cumulative weight of commemoration as irrelevant to the political performances that took place in 2011 and its aftermath. The revolutionary political alternative, ideologically diverse, was enacted on a stage composed partly of a much less ambivalent commemorative martyrological history that could always potentially be mobilized against it. And it was mobilized with a vengeance in overthrowing Muhammad Morsy in the summer of 2013. On July 26, ʻAbd al-Fattah al-Sisi openly called for a popular tafwid (mandate) to “fight terrorism,” making an open accession to rule—ratified later by a patently fixed election—inevitable. Tens of thousands of the people thronging Tahrir Square and its surrounding streets on July 26 carried posters of al-Sisi in that demonstration. It should be emphasized that even though al-Sisi was backed by powerful individuals and institutions, and even though his emergence on the political scene indisputably drew all eyes toward him and inspired genuine veneration, his icon-hood was provisional, which is to say that it was inherently unstable.

Yemen's last Zaydī Imām: the shabāb al-muʾmin, the Malāzim, and ‘ḥizb allāh’ in the thought of Ḥusayn Badr al-Dīn al-Ḥūthī

2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdullah Lux
Keyword(s):  
English Language ◽  
Technical Assistance ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
Forthcoming Book ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
Direct Support ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject

Excerpted from the manuscript of a forthcoming book project, this article provides essential English-language source material on Ḥusayn Badr al-Dīn al-Ḥūthī and an alternative framework to that of the mainstream media for exploring what are likely the genuine causes and nature of the wars against Ṣaʿdah, Yemen, undertaken with backing and technical assistance from the United States, if not direct complicity in the name of then President George W. Bush's administration's ‘war on terror’. In addition to shedding light on the voluminous Malāzim of Ḥusayn Badr al-Dīn and providing analysis of its various influences including Khomeini and Lebanon's Ḥizb Allāh, while at the same time demonstrating a lack of evidence for direct support by either Ḥizb Allāh or Iran, the article examines the distinct Jārūdī Zaydī nature of the only contemporary Zaydī political discourse and formulation of its kind, which is distinct from Twelver Shīʿism and antithetical to the ‘wilāyat al-faqīh’ in Iran. The article examines the origins of the Lebanese group known as al-Shabāb al-Muʾmin that would later evolve into Ḥizb Allāh and the history of Yemen's Tanẓīm al-Shabāb al-Muʾmin from which al-Ḥūthī would draw his core group of supporters, and it aims to decipher the nature of the relation between al-Ḥūthī's thought and Khomeini's Islamic Revolution in Iran as well as its grounding in the Jārūdī Zaydī sect and the Zaydīyah at large. The article includes excerpts from an interview with Ayatollah Muḥammad Ḥusayn Faḍlallah on the subject, new statements from the Office of ʿAbd al-Mālik al-Ḥūthī in Ṣaʿdah, and in-depth analysis of the Malāzim with exhaustive citations in translation – all never before published – all of which provide essential reading for understanding the objective historical conditions as well as the political, cultural, tribal, ideological, and sectarian dimensions of the wars against Ṣaʿdah.

Malaysian Drama in English: Is there a Case for a Post-Mortem?

1983 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 234-246
Author(s):  
Margaret Yong
Keyword(s):  
English Language ◽  
National Language ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Context ◽  
Indian Languages ◽  
National History ◽  
Race Riots ◽  
Quarter Century ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
History Of

Malaysian drama in English (MDE) is an inelegant name, but it describes exactly a curious breed of theatre in Malaysia: Englishlanguage drama, which seeks to be locally appropriate, in a country whose polycultural history has resulted in the presence of a diverse mixture of languages including Malay (the National Language), the major dialects of Chinese, Hindi, Tamil and other Indian languages, as well as English. Malaysian drama in English has existed for some twentyfive years – not a long history, even measured by the standards of the New Literatures of post-colonial nations. Its quarter century of life has been short and turbulent. MDE has followed a course marked by race riots, language demonstrations, defections from its fold, institutional indifference, censorship, and the gradual withering of the English language itself as a medium viable within the national context. Much of the history of MDE has been affected by the major socio-political changes of the nation. It is not possible, then, to see MDE as an autonomous, selfenclosed entity. Its life cannot be extricated from the national history out of which it grows, and its story is inseparable from the political fortunes of the English language in Malaysia.

scholarly journals The First Major Grammars of English and Romanian: A Comparative Approach

Linguaculture ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-62
Author(s):  
Daniela Doboș
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
English Language ◽  
Comparative Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
Short Introduction ◽  
English Grammar ◽  
The North ◽  
History Of ◽  
North Western

If the history of the English language is the story of its written texts, the same holds true for the history of the Romanian language, and in both cases the first grammars played a major part in the shaping up of the respective vernaculars. The paper proposes a comparative approach to the beginnings of codified grammars in English and Romanian, with a focus on those that are deemed to be the first major works– Robert Lowth’s A Short Introduction to English Grammar (1762) and Samuil Micu and Gheorghe Şincai’s Elementa linguae daco-romanae sive valachicae (1780). This approach considers topics such as why grammars might have been desirable in the eighteenth century (the political factor), and the functions of ‘grammars’, which are relevant in both cases; what language was actually codified, as well as the role of Latin in this enterprise, since it is worth noting that while English and Romanian belong in different language families, Latin was a formative element in both, ever since the territories of the two respective countries marked the North-Western and South-Eastern borders of the Roman Empire.

scholarly journals Mass Mobilization in Indian Politics: A Case Study of Non-Cooperation Movement

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 13-25
Author(s):  
Farooq Ahmad Dar ◽  
Muhammad Sajid Khan ◽  
Muhammad Abrar Zahoor
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
South Asia ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Indian Politics ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Masses

Mass-Mobilization is one of the key ingredients for not only launching a movement but also for spreading any political agenda. The involvement of the masses always plays an important role in a process of bringing change anywhere and at any time. The history of South Asia, however, witnessed that in the struggle against the colonial rulers, to begin with, started by the elite alone. Politics was considered as the domain of a selected few and the common men were considered as ignorant and perhaps irrelevant and thus were kept at a distance. It was only after the beginning of the twentieth century and especially after the entrance of Gandhi on the political screen that the masses gained importance and were directly involved in political affairs. They not only became part of the Non-Cooperation Movement but also played an important role in spreading the movement all across India. In this paper, an attempt has been made to highlight Gandhi’s efforts to mobilize Indian masses during the Non-Cooperation Movement and its impact on the future politics of the region. The paper also discusses in detail different groups of society that actively participated in the process of mass-mobilization.

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