Leading the Faithful: Religious Authority in the Contemporary Middle East

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-115
Author(s):  
Mehran Kamrava

The post-2011 Middle East has witnessed an increasing politicization of religious authority across the Middle East and among almost all faith communities. Unfolding political and social developments, along with steadily shifting posture and functions of the state vis-à-vis the various religious communities has propelled religious leaders into the role of their communities’ political protectors as well as chief liaisons with state leaders and institutions. This has occurred simultaneous with a diffusion of authority within majoritarian religious communities (in both Sunni and Shiʿa majority societies), along with an inverse centralization of religious authority among minority communities such as the Zaydis, the Maronites, and Chaldians.

2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 602-619 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuki Shiozaki ◽  
Hiroko Kushimoto

The role and status of religious authority needs to be read into Malaysian political history over the past fifty years. During this period as the Malaysian state constructed its national identity and plotted its policy course, the role of Islam and religious leaders became an important point of debate. It is within this context that this article considers the independence and autonomy of Malaysian Muslim religious leaders. Traditional religious authority in Malaysia finds its underpinnings largely in the institutions of Islamic learning locally known as pondoks, which are a community of students of Islam under the directions of a religious leader, ulama (also often known as a Tok Guru). However as the state consolidated their control over these religious leaders whom were co-opted into the state apparatus, by employment and education at state universities, their social significance has been destabilized. In the wake of this compromised socio-political and religious position alternative sources of authoritative Islamic teachings have emerged in recent years such as the Tablighi Jamaʿat discussed in this article.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian-Vincent Ikejiaku

Abstract The current radical strategies by which there is, on one hand, an increasing European assistance to developing poor countries of Africa/Middle East and on the other hand, tightened border-security within Europe as a means to reduce migration from the South; may worsen the state of poverty in Europe, particularly on the immigrants and impact on the workforce in Europe with implication on development. Though, these strategies may sound radically appealing, they are however, unlikely to reduce migration flows to Europe. While there is still a “wide development gap” between the poor countries of Africa/Middle East and industrialised countries of Europe, migration will often increase, at least in the next two-three decades. Radical border security in Europe will expose the migrants to human trafficking in different form and manifestation contrary to Article 3 UN Protocol on Trafficking in Person. The paper examines the role of the State and Law and development, in addressing the issues of poverty and migration within the industrialised countries of Europe. The research argues that there is the likelihood that poverty and human right issues will increase in Europe in the near-future, if the State/EU fails to play their role, by changing their policy direction and repositioning themselves by improving their Law and development stance. The research employs the human rights-based approach, interdisciplinary and critical-analytical perspective within the framework of international Law and development. It employs qualitative empirical evidence from developed countries of Europe and poor developing countries for analysis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-154
Author(s):  
Azarudin Awang ◽  
Wan Helmy Shahriman Wan Ahmad ◽  
Ahmad Faizal Ramly

Kebanyakan komuniti Cina di negeri Terengganu tinggal di daerah Kuala Terengganu yang berfungsi sebagai ibu negeri, pusat pentadbiran, pusat perniagaan negeri dan pusat keagamaan mereka. Kajian ini bertujuan menjelaskan tentang peranan Kuala Terengganu sebagai pusat perkembangan agama-agama bagi komuniti Cina di negeri ini. Metodologi kajian ini dilakukan melalui kaedah temu bual ke atas lima orang pemimpin badan agama di negeri ini. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahawa kebanyakan komuniti Cina di negeri Terengganu berpegang kepada agama Buddha, Taoisme dan Confucianisme dan sebahagian daripada mereka memeluk agama Kristian dan Islam. Most of the Chinese community in Terengganu live in Kuala Terengganu area which serves as the capital, administrative, business and religious center of the state. This study aims to explain the role of Kuala Terengganu as a center for the development of religions for the Chinese community in this state. The methodology of this study is conducted through series of interview with 5 religious leaders. The result reveals that most of the Chinese communities in the state of Terengganu adhere to Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism while some of them embrace Christianity and Islam.


Author(s):  
Clinton Bailey

Although almost all Bedouin have followed Islam since early in its history, those who remained nomadic in the deserts of the Middle East found the religion barely accessible to them as an ongoing spiritual and psychological support, owing to their distance from Islamic religious instruction and institutions. For such support, they relied instead on primordial, often animistic, practices that had not changed much from the religious behavior of their pre-Islamic ancestors, and which could still be witnessed among pre-modern Bedouin down to the late 20th century. This chapter identifies the similarities between these ancient pre-Islamic religious practices and those of the biblical Israelites, focusing specifically on their common attitudes toward sacrifice, the sacredness of blood, the role of ethics, and respect for taboos, oaths, and vows.


Author(s):  
Mirjam Lücking

This chapter provides a historical overview of ambivalent encounters between Indonesia and the Arab world through findings that show the relationship between Indonesia and the Middle East. It recounts the Indonesians' earliest encounters with Arab traders in the seventh century, from confrontations with Indo Persian Sufi up to the current democratization process that have been marked by contradictory dynamics. It also explains how Arabs have been acknowledged as teachers of Islam and allies in the postcolonial nonbloc movement. The chapter describes the gloomy counterimage of the Arab world against which Indonesian officials and religious leaders drew the picture of a tolerant, pluralist Indonesian Islam. It mentions the key role of the mobility across the Indian Ocean in the formation of Islamic culture in Indonesia.


2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (S24) ◽  
pp. 213-241
Author(s):  
M. Erdem Kabadayi

AbstractIn most cases, and particularly in the cases of Greece and Turkey, political transformation from multinational empire to nation state has been experienced to a great extent in urban centres. In Ankara, Bursa, and Salonica, the cities selected for this article, the consequences of state-making were drastic for all their inhabitants; Ankara and Bursa had strong Greek communities, while in the 1840s Salonica was the Jewish metropolis of the eastern Mediterranean, with a lively Muslim community. However, by the 1940s, Ankara and Bursa had lost almost all their non-Muslim inhabitants and Salonica had lost almost all its Muslims. This article analyses the occupational structures of those three cities in the mid-nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth, tracing the role of the state as an employer and the effects of radical political change on the city-level historical dynamics of labour relations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 271-300
Author(s):  
Abiodun Akeem Oladiti

This paper examines the interrelationship between the State, freedom of association and sectarian violence among faith communities in Nigeria. It specifically discusses the role of the State in maintaining peace, and the government’s official response to sectarian violence among religious associations. In modern African states, sectarian violence has been prevalent and deadly among religious group movements. It is deployed as the most preferred means of attracting recognition, affirming feasibility and proclaiming existence among other religious associations in the State. This trend is associated with the Islamic Movement of Nigeria. It is against this background that this paper historicises sectarian violence, the myth and reality of religious freedom, the interrelationship between religious freedom, the State and secularism in Nigeria while discussing the constitutional provisions of religious freedom and religious associations in Nigeria. The paper concludes that religious freedom and freedom of association are integral features of the Nigerian Constitution and, therefore, all religious associations are permitted to live in peaceful coexistence.


Author(s):  
Ahdar Rex ◽  
Leigh Ian

This chapter examines religious group autonomy, which comprises the right of religious communities to determine and administer their own internal religious affairs without interference from the state. It begins with a brief survey of the law's recognition of religious group autonomy. It contrasts a liberal understanding of religious autonomy with that of the religious communities themselves. It then focuses upon three illustrative matters of concern in this area. One is the right of religious groups to select their own religious leaders and ministers. The second is the right of groups to assemble for worship in buildings and locations of their choosing. The third concern is the right of religious communities to determine for themselves who they will marry within the rites of their communities.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amit Vardhan

Awadh area was always the centre of power from times immemorial. This importance also had its impact on the policy towards Awadh under the British company also. The political importance was of Awadh forced the British company to keep a watch on the activities of the Nawab. For this purpose they placed a British Resident in Awadh, it was however done on the request of the Nawab. Gradually the position of Resident became an all important post in Awadh and Resident started to control almost all aspects of the administration. The expenses of the office of Resident also increased gradually from about 12000 annually to later partial share in the revenue of Awadh even the Nawab had to surrender few portion of the state to meet the expenses of the office of the Resident. Further to free the company’s regular troops for service elsewhere in India, the company also organized the forces at the ruler’s expense. Later the resident even played the role of appointing the Nawab even overlooking the legal heir for the throne. This weakened the position of Nawab to a very great extent and the Nawab could not even carry out any changes other then the direction given by the Resident. The company despite having control over almost all sections of governance disposed the Nawab on the charges of misgovernance in 1856 ending the rule of Nawab in Awadh. So the system of placing the Resident started with the purpose if liaisoning gradually took indirect control over the administration and later took the direct control over the State.


Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Amin Al-Astewani

A whirlwind of developments have unfolded in the UK since the emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic, which has subsequently instigated an intensely animated debate among British Muslim religious leaders about the contentious and sensitive topic of mosque closure, producing a rich and sophisticated spectrum of responses. These responses emerged within the dramatic global background of an imminent closure of Islam’s most cherished mosque to international pilgrims, namely the sacred precinct in Mekkah. The stakes were, therefore, high for British Muslim religious leaders considering mosque closure, facing the stark dilemma of compromising the sacrosanct status of the mosque and congregational worship in Islam or putting the lives of British Muslims in their hundreds of thousands at risk. This paper seeks to analyze the role of religious authority within the British Muslim community through the lens of the responses of the community’s religious leaders to the COVID-19 closure of mosques. It builds upon a Special Issue published by this journal on leadership, authority and representation in British Muslim communities. The issue of COVID-19 mosque closure in the UK presented an excellent case study for this paper’s analysis, manifesting as it does the dynamic way in which religious authority in the British Muslim community continues to evolve. This paper thus seeks to use this case-study to further enrich the literature on this topic.


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