scholarly journals Building a Modern Political Ecology and the Need to Demystify Political Meritocracy

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-48
Author(s):  
Jingxi Liu ◽  
Anja Bihler

Abstract To construct socialism with Chinese characteristics, advance socialist democracy, and establish a political ecology for socialism with Chinese characteristics, we should devote our efforts toward building a stronger political system and strengthening the rule of law and democracy. Important projects, such as the anti-corruption campaign, mass-line education, or team building for government officials should be guided by the spirit of democracy and the rule of law and proceed in an orderly and regulated manner. Still, voices in support of political meritocracy have become increasingly audible in Chinese political and academic circles, supporting a political phenomenon completely incompatible with the goal of building a socialist democracy. Meritocracy as a political system entails a high degree of uncertainty, unsustainability, and risk and is essentially just a modified version of the rule of man or, to put it differently, the rule of man “2.0.” Its fatal weakness is its inability to resolve two fundamental problems related to the legitimacy of political power: Where does power originate, and how can we control it? An important theoretical prerequisite for building a clean political ecology is thus to demystify meritocracy and dispel any popular myths surrounding it.

1990 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Greene

AbstractThe rash of conflict of interest incidents involving cabinet ministers in Canada in 1986, 1987 and early 1988 can in part be explained by the fact that no clear connection exists in most of the conflict of interest rules between the substance of the rules and basic constitutional principles. Unless ministers understand the reasons for the increasingly complex rules, a high degree of compliance with them is unrealistic. The article explores the connection between the rule of law, social equality, the principle of ministerial impartiality and conflict of interest legislation and guidelines. The conflict of interest rules have usually been drafted hastily in reaction to scandals, with little thought given to their constitutional basis. Thirty-five recent conflict of interest incidents are classified and analyzed. Many might have been avoided if the constitutional reasons for the rules had been better understood. Nevertheless, with regard to the overlap between conflicts of interest and political patronage, the Canadian political system has not developed a clear set of expectations for ministerial behaviour in all circumstances.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-141
Author(s):  
Tomasz Stępniewski

The present paper discusses the following research questions: to what extent did errors made by the previous presidents of Ukraine result in the country’s failure to introduce systemic reforms (e.g. combating corruption, the development of a foundation for a stable state under the rule of law and free-market economy)?; can it be ventured that the lack of radical reforms along with errors in the internal politics of Ukraine under Petro Poroshenko resulted in the president’s failure?; will the strong vote of confidence given to Volodymyr Zelensky and the Servant of the People party exact systemic reforms in Ukraine?; or will Volodymyr Zelensky merely become an element of the oligarchic political system in Ukraine?


1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-13
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zoll

The changes brought about in Poland and elsewhere in Europe by the fall of Communism have given rise to hopes for the establishment of a political system differing from the one which had been the fate of these countries. In place of totalitarianism, a new political system is to be created based on the democratic principles of a state under the rule of law. The transformation from totalitarianism to democracy is a process which has not yet been completed in Poland and still requires many efforts to be made before this goal may be achieved. One may also enumerate various pitfalls jeopardising this process even now. The dangers cannot be avoided if their sources and nature are not identified. Attempts to pervert the law and the political system may only be counteracted by legal means if the system based on the abuse of the law has not yet succeeded in establishing itself. Resistance by means of the law only has any real chance of success provided it is directed against attempts to set up a totalitarian system. Once the powers which are hostile to the state bound by the rule of law take over the institutions of the state, such resistance is doomed to failure.


2004 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dawit Kiros Fantaye

Economic crime is one of the most serious crimes endangering the national security and public safety of any country. It is directly associated with legal, political, social, human rights and development issues. In particular, economic crime harms Third World countries such as Ethiopia where poverty is prevalent and the economy is poor and supported by foreign aid and loans. White-collar employees like higher government officials and businessmen play a key role in creating and increasing economic crimes, namely corruption, embezzlement and fraud, all over the world. It is therefore important that any form of economic crime is identified and punished severely, by appropriate prison terms according to the seriousness of the offence. By applying these kinds of penalties to economic criminals, the rate and frequency of economic crime can be minimised and, simultaneously, pave a way to the fundamental practices of democracy, government transparency and the dominance of the rule of law in the country. The main purpose of this article is to explain the effect of corruption in Third World countries and ways in which it can be combated, in particular by the imposition of heavy penalties on those who choose to commit economic crimes in Third World countries. It is argued that this must be done to protect human rights, to bring about political and social stabilisation, to ensure effective and even distribution of national wealth and, eventually, to secure democracy and sustainable development in the Third World countries.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-45
Author(s):  
Bima Sujendra

Applications Good Governace District Government Rasau In District Kubu Raya Jaya selected researchers are encouraged by the phenomenon is still not maximal implementation of good governance in Sub Rasau Jaya, it's still not expected because of the implementation of the principles of good governance right. To that end, the general problem of research formulated: "How Good Governace District Government Applications In District Rasau Jaya Kubu Raya". The study design used a qualitative approach. The results showed that in general the public services that promote the principles of Good Governance in Sub Rasau Kubu Raya have been implemented, although not yet fully maximized. The principle of participation as one of the principles of good governance is still visible not optimal, it's like what was said by the employees of the district office "people are less active in following the activities carried out by the district government, they tend to be busy farming". In the principle of the Rule of Law (Rule of Law) is still discrimination between Kecamtan government officials with an acquaintance. Principle responsive (responsiveness) in the implementation of public services, it is seen still lambanya work done by the sub-district employees in service delivery.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Than Bahadur Chhetri

The Rule of law, a set of principles of governance, apply to all individuals, organizations and the government itself. Democracy is a political system governed by the rule of law. No rule of law means no democratic future. This paper aims to assess the state of the rule of law under the new political setup, taking the rule of law as dependent variable and fundamental rights, corruption, open parliament and independent judiciary as independent variables. To measure the rule of law, necessary information was collected from printed and online sources. A federal democratic republic can grow healthy only when there exists the rule of law and efficient state institutions. The fundamental problems in strengthening the rule of law obstructed by the tendency of personalization and frequent intervention in state institutions, high level of corruption at policy level, poor legislative bill formulation, the controversial appointing process of the judges and the political dominations. The acceptance of international norms to address the justice and to promote human rights, adhering to the principle of inclusion and equality, maintaining transparency rule in the appointment in various constitutional bodies and keeping out of executive influence to maintain impartial and independent institutions can help in strengthening the rule of law. 


Author(s):  
P. Nikiforos Diamandouros

The chapter seeks to analyse and assess Costas Simitis’s leadership and management style, which it conceptualizes as the product of three structural parameters. First, Simitis’s status, throughout his career in Greek politics, as a minority within PASOK, the party he helped co-found, and his clear refusal to identify with the values of the ‘underdog’ cultural tradition, to which the majority of the party and, indeed, Greek society adhered. Second, his steadfast adherence to the principles of the minoritarian reformist cultural tradition, which identifies deeply with the values of the European Enlightenment and of European liberalism, and his privileging a positive sum conceptualization of politics, a decided preference for the search for dialogue, rational argument, consensus, and compromise, as well as a strong commitment to the primacy of the rule of law and for institution-building. Third, the search for a paradigm shift in the modus operandi of the Greek political system, such that would make these values guiding principles of the logic informing Greek democracy and enable it to align itself more firmly with the traditions of European social democracy. The chapter concludes by identifying five major legacies linked to Simitis’s leadership and management style as prime minister: (a) first and foremost, securing Greece’s entry into the eurozone, (b) introducing an alternative approach to Greek politics; (c) emphasizing institution building; (d) privileging civility and fairness in interacting with colleagues and opponents alike; and (e) demonstrating the importance of human agency in the conduct of politics.


Significance A spate of recent judiciary-related controversies is raising questions about the political system and the rule of law in Cambodia. Impacts Lack of confidence in the judiciary will probably trigger incidents of politicised social unrest. Ineffective legal reform could reduce investors' appetite for Cambodia. Inadequate legal reforms could cause Cambodian business disadvantage, for instance in ASEAN integration.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-171
Author(s):  
Adnan Mahmutovic ◽  
Helza Nova Lita

This paper discusses the distinctiveness of the European Union with focus on the Rule of Law and its importance for the EU integration process. Rule of Law is a notion that is very frequently used, but at the same time quite controversial as it is not so easy always to reach generally accepted meaning. Therefore, this paper provides a analysis of the EU Rule of Law  as multidimensional legal principle gravitating between values and principles. The paper acknowledges that a concept of the EU rule of law can be the subject of diverse interpretations and implementation. High-ranking government officials of a two EU member states, Poland and Hungary, have argued recently that a concept of the EU rule of law lacks well-defined rules and remains the subject of much debate. Therefore, the paper provides for better understanding of the concept itself within the specific supranational legal environment. Also, the paper argues that the future of the EU and its integrations depends largely on the respect of the rule of law that remains to be a core and the element of unity within Europe’s legal space. The relationship between the principles and values upon which the EU is founded remain close and interrelated. The EU Rule of law with all its distinctiveness can be concluded with certainty that it reflects a specific character and nature of the EU legal system.


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