scholarly journals Thai Gender Ideology: A View from Representations of Social Actors in Crime News Headlines

MANUSYA ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-49
Author(s):  
Phennapha Klaisingto ◽  
Wirote Aroonmanakun

This study examines the linguistic structure used for uncovering gender ideologies through crime news headlines. It’s based on the idea that languages represent reality and different linguistic choices indicate different points of view of reality. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) (Fairclough 1990,VanDijk 1995, Simpson 1993) is used in this study. The main objectives of the study are 1) to study the differences of representation between male and female social actors (Van Leeuwan 2008) in crime news headlines and 2) to study power relations, gender identities and the reproduction of patriarchal society through crime news headlines. Samples of 1,815 crime news headlines are analyzed in this study. The result shows that Thai crime news constructs gender identities based on gender ideology. Thai crime news headlines convey a variety of linguistic meanings which allow for varying forms of representation of social actors, including exclusion and inclusion of social actors. The exclusion of male social actors in headlines may be ideologically motivated by obscuring the responsibility of male actors for negative actions, whereas the exclusion of female social actors does not have the same effect because their referents can be inferred from the headline context. In addition, the inclusion of social actors varies according to the social actor’s sex. Male actors are usually referred to using a functionalization form or an appraisement form, whereas female actors are usually referred to using an identification form. These representations reflect the role of masculinity and femininity among men and women in the society.

Politics in the world have become mediatized and the language of actors and their party’s holders are represented by newspapers by their own ideological factors. The newspaper language has emerged through speech, beliefs and writing practices [20]. To determine the meaning behind the text of Pakistani newspapers, the theory of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) by Norman Fairclough (1995) is employed on hard news of ‘Dawn’ as an independent newspaper and on ‘The News’ as a mainstream newspaper of Pakistan. The online newspapers are selected for data selection on 100 days performance in 2018 of Pakistan Tehreek - e - Insaaf (PTI) on specified date 29th November 2018 on coverage of 100 days event based on social actors’ performance as ‘doer’, which comprises of two news reports having 5,276 words. Imran Khan’s and his party holders’ speeches on the party’s performance on 100 days completion of government is taken as a unit for analysis, which is represented in both newspapers differently. The social actors’ selection is based on a socio-semiotic approach by van Leeuwen (2005). The social actors in the existing study are ‘Pakistan Tehreek – e – Insaaf (PTI)’ and ‘Pakistan Muslim League – Nawaz (PML-N)’. The Systematic Functional Linguistics tool by Michael Alexander Kirkwood Halliday (2014) is applied to media text for determining the role of social actors by process types as an analytical tool, which is based on the revised work of Matthiessen. ‘Dawn’ has portrayed happening as a hard news while in contrast, ‘The News’ compared PTI performance with PML-N with suggestions


2020 ◽  
pp. 095792652097721
Author(s):  
Janaina Negreiros Persson

In this article, we explore how the discourses around gender are evolving at the core of Brazilian politics. Our focus lies on the discourses at the public hearing on the bill 3.492/19, which aimed at including “gender ideology” on the list of heinous crimes. We aim to identify the deputies’ linguistic representation of social actors as pertaining to in- and outgroups. In addition, the article analyzes through Critical Discourse Analysis how the terminology gender is represented in this particular hearing. The analysis shows how some of the conservative parliamentarians give a clearly negative meaning to the term gender, by labeling it “gender ideology” and additionally connecting it with heinous crimes. We propose that the re-signification of “gender ideology,” from rhetorical invention to heinous crime, is not only an attempt to undermine scientific gender studies but also a way for conservative deputies to gain more political power.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (53) ◽  
pp. 25-40
Author(s):  
Fabio Perocco

Abstract During the last two decades of rising anti-migrant racism in Europe, Islamophobia has proven to be the highest, most acute, and widely spread form of racism. The article shows how anti-migrant Islamophobia is a structural phenomenon in European societies and how its internal structure has specific social roots and mechanisms of functioning. Such an articulate and interdependent set of key themes, policies, practices, discourses, and social actors it is intended to inferiorise and marginalise Muslim immigrants while legitimising and reproducing social inequalities affecting the majority of them. The article examines the social origins of anti-migrant Islamophobia and the modes and mechanisms through which it naturalises inequalities; it focuses on the main social actors involved in its production, specifically on the role of some collective subjects as anti-Muslim organizations and movements, far-right parties, best-selling authors, and the mass-media.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (01) ◽  
pp. 80-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosie Campbell ◽  
Silvia Erzeel

This contribution to the Special Issue on Gender and Conservatism uses expert and election surveys to explore the extent to which the feminist or traditional gender ideology of parties of the right relates to their economic and liberal/authoritarian ideology. We show that although parties of the left generally espouse more feminist ideologies than parties of the right, there are a significant number of rightist parties in Western Europe that combine laissez-faire economic values with liberal feminist ideals. That said, there is more homogeneity among parties of the populist radical right than rightist parties more generally. We find that despite some variation in their gender ideology, parties of the populist radical right overwhelmingly—with the exception of one party in the Netherlands—continue to adopt traditional or antifeminist gender ideologies. In terms of attracting women voters, we find that rightist parties who adopt a feminist gender ideology are able to attract more women voters than other parties of the right. We detect several examples of center-right parties that include feminist elements in their gender ideologies and are able to win over larger proportions of women voters than rightist parties that fail to adopt feminist positions.


2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-135
Author(s):  
Rainer Hülsse

Metaphors construct social reality, including the actors which populate the social world. A considerable body of research has explored this reality-constituting role of metaphors, yet little attention has been paid to the attempts of social actors to influence the metaphorical structure by which they are constituted. The present article conceptualises the relationship between actor and metaphorical structure as one of mutual constitution. Empirically, it analyses how until the late 1990s Liechtenstein was constructed as an attractive financial centre by metaphors such as haven and paradise, how then a metaphorical shift constituted the country more negatively, before Liechtenstein finally fought back: with the help of the new brand-metaphor and also a professional image campaign the country tried to repair its international image.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-103
Author(s):  
Dita Trčková

The study compares representations of teachers in the Czech broadsheet Mladá fronta and the British broadsheet The Daily Telegraph, aiming to reveal their possible impact on the level of public respect towards teachers. The methodology employed is critical discourse analysis, combining an investigation of semantic macrostructures and recurrent transitivity patterns. It is revealed that both newspapers call attention to problems regarding the teaching profession, advocating social change and higher job prestige. The social significance of a teacher is enhanced in both newspapers by allocating a teacher not only the role of a transmitter of knowledge but also a moral guide concerned with social issues. The main difference between the two broadsheets is that The Daily Telegraph foregrounds teachers’ wrongdoings, while Mladá fronta highlights teachers’ accomplishments. This seems to be mainly due to the inclusion of a section with regional content in the Czech broadsheet.


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie-Noëlle Abiyaghi ◽  
Léa Yammine

The Lebanese power sharing consociational system has structurally engendered recurring protest cycles: student mobilisations, labour and union mobilising, left-wing collectives, as well as a more routinised associative sector. In a long temporality, and looking at these movements in a longitudinal approach, changes they appear to be seeking appear to be marginal or quite limited, which may lead to the observation that contentious movements play the role of mere relief outlet within the system they are challenging, hence, contributing to the permanence of the social and political structures they are challenging. The past year has witnessed the emergence of a mobilisation cycle in the country that displays a continuity with previous forms of organising, although unprecedented in terms of its geographical spread over the territory. To understand how this current protest cycle unfolds, its dynamics, and limits, we propose to consider how social actors “move” in a contested, competitive, ever-shifting and evolving arena, rather than a homogeneous one. We rely on a three-fold conceptual approach that focuses on the analysis of the interactions and dynamics between actors, and the strategies they employ: persuasion, coercion, and retribution.


Jurnal Common ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 144-160
Author(s):  
Luxy Nabela Fariz ◽  
Pundra Rengga Andhita

This research aims to study how tirto.id's attitude towards ecofeminism discourse in Kartini Kendeng conflict with PT. Semen Indonesia in Rembang, Central Java, Indonesia. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method using Teun A. Van Dijk Critical Discourse Analysis (AWK) model which focuses on the elements of text, social cognition and social analysis. There are three data collection techniques that are carried out, namely, interviews, observation and literacy studies. The results showed that tirto.id had a fairly good consistency in raising the ecofeminism issue. Judging from the text elements, tirto.id presents themes, titles, leads, story telling and graphics that support the ecofeminism issue appearing in the community as a joint study that needs to be examined. Related to social cognition elements, tirto.id tried to build critical awareness about ecofeminism issue in Kartini Kendeng conflict with PT. Semen Indonesia. Until today the conflict is not over, Kartini Kendeng has consistently rejecting PT. Semen Indonesia, because it is cited, will have a destructive effect that has implications for the surrounding society. That capture is how tirto.id wants to build message through their writings. While from the social context elements, tirto.id has a holistic consideration compiling to raise the ecofeminism issue through the reporting of Kartini Kendeng. This report provides an opportunity for studies to open up the relationship between humans and the potential of environmental damage. tirto.id's consideration of preaching a special portion of the issue was able to take on the role of a bridge between reality inside and outside the text, giving rise to an inclusive perspective on women and the environment.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 707-721
Author(s):  
Mohammed Al-Badawi ◽  
Ibrahim Al Najjar

Abstract This study aims at investigating the language of politics in news headlines regarding the Christchurch massacre in New Zealand from a Critical Discourse Analysis perspective to examine how power and ideology reside in texts. The data of this study consist of 39 headlines extracted from the BBC and CNN online news agencies. The data were analyzed utilizing the socio-cultural approach of Fairclough (2013). Representative examples were discussed in terms of the three stages of Fairclough’s approach. The results of the study revealed that the reporters tended to use the passive voice structure in headlines that describe the attacker in conformance with the New Zealand policy, which states that his identity should not be revealed. However, they used the active voice structure while referring to the victims, their families, and the New Zealanders at large in order to emphasize their way of dealing with the attack. In addition, the role of Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern in her legal capacity was highlighted by shedding light on her pronouncements to fight against terrorism. It was also found that the use of the metaphor as a figurative device entails that terrorism is a rare phenomenon in New Zealand.


2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-23
Author(s):  
Peter Goy

Abstract The future for Children’s Centres in England looks bleak.. A change in government in the UK in 2010 saw a change in political perspective that was manifested in one way as austerity. The effects of austerity impacted on a range of public services including Children’s Centres. Children’s Centres also came under government scrutiny resulting in a change of focus in their activities from a core offer of providing services to having a core purpose. The study used a flexible qualitative design to produce a critical discourse analysis about the social construction of Children’s Centres. A range of publicly available documents were gathered to provide naturalistic data relating to Children’s Centres. In addition, six Children’s Centre workers were purposefully selected to take part in a semi structured focus group interview. The subsequent analysis of the document and interview data revealed a range of rhetorical devices used by speakers to construct their perceptions of Children’s Centres. These constructions were organised under four dominant discourses; a discourse of recognition, a discourse of pragmatism, a discourse of pessimism and a discourse of change. One common factor in these four discourses was the role of the UK government. Children’s Centres did not appear to get recognition for some the work they did with families but there was a pragmatism about what Children’s Centres could provide during a period of austerity. There was pessimism about what was happening to Children’s Centres especially in relation to vulnerable families but what seemed inevitable was Children’s Centres were changing.


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