Receiving from the Other: Theology and Grass-Roots Organizing

2013 ◽  
pp. 41-54
Keyword(s):  
2016 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Troels Fage Hedegaard

This article explores whether and how the neo-liberal ideology has adapted to the Nordic welfare model by studying the attitudes of voters and grass-roots members of the Danish party Liberal Alliance towards the welfare state. This inquiry into one of the key issues for the neo-liberal ideology is inspired by theory on how an ideology will adapt to its context. The expectation outlined in the article is for the neo-liberals of this party to favour features that make the Nordic welfare model distinctive – extensive governmental responsibility, especially for children and the elderly, and a universalistic approach to providing welfare. I have explored this question using a mixed-methods approach, where I analyse a survey of voters and interviews with grass-roots members of the party. Combined this shows that the neo-liberals in Liberal Alliance do support a role for the welfare state that extends beyond a minimum welfare state, especially for the care of children, but they view old age and retirement mostly as a problem each individual must deal with. Regarding the universalistic approach to providing welfare, the neo-liberals seem torn between two different tendencies, one being a perception of a fair way to provide welfare and the other the idea of a selective welfare state as a neo-liberal core idea, which leads to ambivalent attitudes. I argue that this results in a form of the neo-liberal ideology that has adapted to the Nordic welfare model.


1957 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Laughlin

Previous work has shown that, under natural conditions in the Lake District, larvae of Phyllopertha horticola (L.) hatch in early July and feed actively on the roots of pasture plants during the next 3½–4 months, undergoing two moults. They then empty the gut and enter hibernation, pupating the following spring. Stores of organic material in grass roots are at their highest level during this autumn feeding period. It has also been shown that the egg production depends almost entirely on the weight of the hibernating larva or of the pupa, which thus plays an important part in determining the reproductive rate of the population, and studies were accordingly made on larval growth and certain factors affecting it.Newly hatched larvae were cultured at 15°C. in moistened plaster-of-paris containers filled with a mixture of soil and germinating grass seeds. They moulted at about 20 and 45 days after hatching, and stopped feeding and entered hibernation at about 100 days. When the seeds were scattered on the soil surface, larval growth was slower. The mean larval weight, plotted against age, gave a sigmoid curve; in the. first instar and most of the second, the rate of increase in weight was proportional to the weight, but thereafter, up to the time of hibernation, it was more or less constant. The rate of growth of the individual larva was irregular, being slower at the moults and variable even in the middle of the instar.Larvae cultured under semi-natural conditions in pots of growing grass in the open moulted about 3–4 and 7–9 weeks after hatching and entered hibernation at 100–120 days. Growth is possible on a wide variety of food plants, larvae cultured on 13 species of pasture plants grown in pure stands surviving to the hibernation stage on all but two of them.During hibernation, the larva loses 20–25 per cent, of its weight, mostly in the first few weeks. The pupal weight is almost constant and does not appear to be affected by the temperature treatment of the hibernating larva. It is thus a useful index of effective larval growth.The mean and (in brackets) range of the weights of all pupae collected in two fields in the Lake District between 1950 and 1953 were 139·3 mg. (65–242) for males and 171·3 mg. (72–310) for females. Field samples of hibernating larvae and of pupae show considerable variation in weight from place to place, from year to year and within apparently homogeneous areas.Variation in the time at which larval growth takes place is a major cause of variation in pupal weight. The growth period of larvae in a field at Buttermere was three weeks earlier in 1952 than in 1950, though of the same duration, and the resulting pupae in 1953 were heavier than those in 1951. Two lots of larvae of similar parentage, grown in adjacent plots of grass out of doors, one of which both hatched and entered hibernation three weeks before the other, likewise showed a difference in weight at hibernation, the earlier lot being the heavier. A series of weighed samples of larvae taken from part of a field at Ambleside in 1953 at weekly intervals during the period when they were entering hibernation showed that heavier individuals did so before lighter ones, and males before females. Factors inducing mortality during this period thus operate selectively against females, because these are exposed to them for longer.Field-collected larvae fed in the third instar on roots of lettuce produced pupae the following spring that were significantly heavier than those from larvae fed on roots of either ryegrass or clover.There is no evidence to show that population density affects the weight of the hibernating larva or the pupa. On the other hand, larvae from soil from which the damaged turf had been stripped by birds were significantly lighter than those from the surrounding undisturbed sward.When moving through the soil, larvae may meet and fatally injure each other by an undirected “ snapping ” reaction. This mechanism may limit population density. In an experiment in which larvae were reared in loose soil on grass roots, the mortality rate was seen to increase with the size and activity of the larvae, and also with the larval density.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haitao Yan

In order to improve the standardization, specialization, intelligence and timeliness of the new generation weather radar fault repair, the technical threshold of radar fault repair is greatly reduced, so that the general operators can carry out radar fault repair work. In order to achieve this goal, this paper designs a new generation weather radar fault repair system, which aims to solve two problems: one is to solve the causes and locations of the new generation weather radar faults which can be quickly and accurately detected and diagnosed[1]; the other is to solve the problem that the grass-roots radar operational staff are inexperienced in maintenance and will not be repaired, and to provide visual through the maintenance system. Maintenance methods and steps with expert intelligence level [2], so that general radar operators can operate radar fault repair according to video steps, and have the technical level of maintenance experts, to achieve breakthroughs in technical difficulties of radar fault repair, to achieve both disease detection and treatment effect, to improve the efficiency of the use of new generation weather radar and to achieve modern technical equipment support. Chemistry plays an important role and significance.


1990 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geraint Parry ◽  
George Moyser

WHEREVER ONE TAKES A POSITION IN THE GREAT DEBATE between representative and participatory democrats it is clear that no democracy can function without the involvement of its citizens. What is at issue is the extent and nature of the citizen participation which is thought to be required if a democracy is to be worthy of its name. Whilst this is a fundamentally normative issue, the protagonists on both sides regularly cite evidence as to actual levels of participation and draw inferences from that evidence in support of their contentions.On the one side are those who assert that in Britain ‘some of the spectators have begun to descend on to the field’; on the other are those who say that ‘the “grass roots” of politics seem shrivelled and starved of the nourishment of participation by the citizens’. For this reason, as Jane Mansbridge has said, ‘field studies of what happens to various ideals when people try to live by them could prove useful in clarifying a wide range of normative questions.


Author(s):  
Lucie Greyl ◽  
Hali Healy ◽  
Emanuele Leonardi ◽  
Leah Temper

The Susa Valley situated between Maurienne, France and Turin, Italy, has been urbanised by the economic development of the region. Scarred by infrastructure like the Frejus highway, an international railway, and numerous dams, tunnels and industries, this "development" has had significant environmental and social impacts. The high speed train line (Treno Alta Velocitŕ in Italian, or TAV) between Turin and Lyon is planned at the intersection of 2 main European axes to complement the European railway network by increasing the transport of passengers as well as goods. The train would pass through the Susa Valley, via 2 main tunnels and numerous shorter ones to cross the Alps. The "No TAV" movement is the grass-roots movement of the Susa Valley population against the construction of the line. This article, explores the motives and rationale of opponents and proponents, highlighting the role of power relations and an underlying clash of ideologies. It shows how the success and longevity of No TAV movement relies on one hand on the versatility and diversity of its arguments, and on the other, a renewed legitimacy in the context of the current social and economic crises of its arguments in favour of strong sustainability, degrowth and participatory democracy.


2020 ◽  
pp. 184-215
Author(s):  
Robert T. Chase

Chapter 5 broadens Cruz’s story to include a collective of fellow prisoners, particularly Muslims, within an inter-racial alliance to make prisoner litigation and legal documentation as politicization and a prison-made civil rights revolution. The chapter considers how Muslim prisoners looked to their religious conversion for empowerment, community, and spiritual fulfilment. When the prison administration encountered a small, but growing, number of Muslims, it attempted to quarantine them from other prisoners and deny them their religious freedom. As a result, Fred Cruz found allies among the Muslims even as he found a new external ally, an anti-poverty lawyer named Frances Freeman Jalet, who pursued the claims of these prisoners as a matter of civil rights. In response to the development of civil rights work among the prisoners, the prison administration collected Jalet’s clients onto a single wing known as Eight Hoe for their field line number. This chapter analyzes the struggle over Eight Hoe as a widening base of prison civil rights work and grass-roots activism. Their collective effort served as notice to the other prisoners that prisoners had a champion outside of the prison and that the courts were paying attention.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Troels Fage Hedegaard

This article explores whether and how the neo-liberal ideology has adapted to the Nordic welfare model by studying the attitudes of voters and grass-roots members of the Danish party Liberal Alliance towards the welfare state. This inquiry into one of the key issues for the neo-liberal ideology is inspired by theory on how an ideology will adapt to its context. The expectation outlined in the article is for the neo-liberals of this party to favour features that make the Nordic welfare model distinctive – extensive governmental responsibility, especially for children and the elderly, and a universalistic approach to providing welfare. I have explored this question using a mixed-methods approach, where I analyse a survey of voters and interviews with grass-roots members of the party. Combined this shows that the neo-liberals in Liberal Alliance do support a role for the welfare state that extends beyond a minimum welfare state, especially for the care of children, but they view old age and retirement mostly as a problem each individual must deal with. Regarding the universalistic approach to providing welfare, the neo-liberals seem torn between two different tendencies, one being a perception of a fair way to provide welfare and the other the idea of a selective welfare state as a neo-liberal core idea, which leads to ambivalent attitudes. I argue that this results in a form of the neo-liberal ideology that has adapted to the Nordic welfare model.


Author(s):  
J. F. C. Harrison

“If it weren't for the door prize they wouldn't come at all,” confided the president of the local. The doorkeeper stood with his bowl of dimes, religiously unlocking and relocking the door as each member presented himself for admittance, reaching at the sane time into his trousers' pocket for his ten cents contribution to the evening's sweepstake. Outside, the temperature was ten degrees below freezing; inside, the gas heater on the ceiling buzzed noisily. One by one, the members flopped into the vacant chairs, unzipped their padded jackets, and smoked and chewed and chatted happily. The room was pleasantly warm, the chairs uncomfortably hard, and the walls had the timeless dinginess of dark green paint. On a dais at one end, between the narrow trestle table covered with files, dues books, and loose papers sat the four officers of the local. To one side, leaning precariously in a wobbly standard-holder, was the Flag. From the wall behind the dais, past presidents of the International and the State Federation of Labor looked down on the meeting. Between them was the charter of the local; around the other walls, in varying degrees of ornateness, were the framed charters of different locals in the town which also used the Labor Temple. A painted piano in one corner, a refrigerator and a row of coat hangers completed the furnishings. Smiling broadly, the president rose and banged his gavel on the table gently. The hubbub subsided rapidly as he began reading the historic formula for opening, the meeting.


1987 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sunil Chander

The Government of India Act of 1935 was a constitutional device meant to extend the Raj's political alliances in Indian society. The Congress Party, on the other hand, construed the Act as a new challenge to the demand for independence. The authorities discovered that the Congress ministers’ primary loyalties lay with the imperatives of the party and not with the constitutional arrangement. Concern on this account was heightened by the resurgence of ground-level Congress activism. The Congress strengthened and expanded its volunteer organization while it governed the provinces. If the formal party institutions were weakened by corruption and factionalism during the ministry period, its grass-roots cadres were revitalized and mobilized opinion against compromises with the Raj, strengthening the ministers’ hands in any major clashes with the authorities. The latter were disturbed by links between the Congress ministers and party activity hostile to the Raj, even though a certain convergence of Congress and British interests kept the experiment of provincial autonomy going. The official response to this situation consisted, at one level, of making expedient concessions.But the authorities explored an alternative possibility as well. The Muslim League, which emerged as a mass party after 1937, was not exactly an ally, but it offered the most powerful resistance to the possibility of total mobilization under the Congress.


2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 105-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suleyman Ozeren ◽  
Hakan Hekim ◽  
M. Salih Elmas ◽  
Halil Ibrahim Canbegi

AbstractThe “Islamic State in Iraq and Syria” (ISIS) is the main source of instability, not only in Iraq and Syria, but also throughout the Middle East. The instability poses a danger for the other parts of the world because of the influx of foreign fighters to the region. Extremists have taken advantage of the continuing conflicts in Iraq and Syria, with Syria in particular serving as a magnet for thousands of foreign fighters from more than 90 countries. While most of these ISIS combatants are men, many women have left their countries behind to join the “caliphate” and support its cause. Social media have played a key role in luring women to join ISIS. This study therefore analyzed the ISIS organization’s social media propaganda and grass-roots recruitment activities aimed at women in Turkey. The results of the analysis provide important information about the strategies that ISIS uses to spread its ideology.


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