BECOMING EUROPEAN: NATIONAL IDENTITY, SOVEREIGNTY AND EUROPEANISATION IN IRISH POLITICAL CULTURE

Author(s):  
Christine Talbot

This chapter shows how anti-polygamy legislation emerged from a particular imagining of the meaning of America. The Edmunds and Edmunds-Tucker Acts of 1882 and 1887, respectively, mobilized a particular vision of the nation to drive into submission Mormonism's challenge to American political culture. Anti-Mormonism had therefore accomplished its cultural work by constituting Mormons as an un-American threat to the nation and its legal work by taking aim at the citizenship rights of Mormons. Ultimately, the controversy over polygamy helped formulate the multiple meanings of citizenship and national identity as the Mormon question became a location at which the gendered, marital, and religious limits of the body politic were tried.


1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uffe Østergård

From a cultural and historical-sociological perspective, the Danish nationstate of today represents a rare situation of virtual identity between state, nation, and society, which is a more recent phenomenon than normally assumed in Denmark and abroad. Though one of the oldest European monarchies, whose flag came ‘tumbling down from heaven in 1219’—ironically enough an event that happened in present-day Estonia—Denmark's present national identity is of recent vintage. Until 1814 the word, Denmark, denominated a typical European, plurinational or multinational, absolutist state, second only to such powers as France, Great Britain, Austria, Russia, and perhaps Prussia. The state had succeeded in reforming itself in a revolution from above in the late eighteenth century and ended as one of the few really “enlightened absolutisms” of the day (Horstbøll and østergård 1990; østergård 1990). It consisted of four main parts and several subsidiaries in the North Atlantic Ocean, plus some colonies in Western Africa, India, and the West Indies. The main parts were the kingdoms of Denmark proper and Norway, plus the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. How this particular state came about need not bother us here.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (10) ◽  
pp. 164-169
Author(s):  
P. I. Gnatenko

According to a British researcher of nation phenomenon A.D. Smith, national identity is a main form of collective identity, a dominant criteria of culture and identity. That’s way the aim of the article is a clarification of two notions: national identity and historical memory.National identity has relations with national self-consciousness. National self-consciousness consists of knowledge and presentations of national community, its historical past and present, spiritual and material culture, language and national character.There are three conceptions of roots of Ukrainian national identity. The first is a chauvinistic conception. According to this conception Ukrainian nation never existed. It’s only a dialect group of Russian nation. The second is unity of three nations – Russian, Ukrainian, Belorussian and the senior brother is Russian nation and Ukrainian and Belorussian are juniors. The third conception is the autochthonous-autonomic conception (the author is M. Grushevs’ky).The autochthonic-autonomic conception has two poles of origins of Ukrainian nation. The first pole – Tripoli culture, Ukrainian nation was born in 7–2 millennium B.C. The second pole – 10–11 centuries A.C. The Illarion’s ‘Word about Law and Grace’, ‘Kyiv-Pechersky Patericum’ etc. are the basics of Ukrainian nation.In contemporary Europe we can observe reformation of the problem of national identity and rising of an ethnical factor and a historical memory. A historical memory is a complex of installations, stereotypes, habits, traditions, constant aspects of national character, national senses, their mark by social consciousness.National senses are ground of installations and stereotypes. They are emotional-psychological background of actions of a national character. National senses are a part of a political self-consciousness, a personal political culture.


2018 ◽  
pp. 3-26
Author(s):  
Michael Kenny ◽  
Iain McLean ◽  
Akash Paun

This chapter examines whether, why and with what consequences there has been a disentangling of England from Britain in terms of its governance and national identity. The assumption has been that to distinguish between England and Britain risks destabilising the Union. However, the English seem dissatisfied with how they are governed, as demonstrated by support for Brexit, and less content for their nationhood to be poured into the larger vessel of Britishness. In response, the major UK political parties appear more willing to appeal to English national sentiment. But England has yet to engage in a reflective national conversation about its changing identity and its relationship with the rest of the UK and wider world. The fragmentary character of national consciousness in England, and deep divisions in its political culture, make it impossible to draw simple conclusions. This chapter sketches the outlines of a prospective research agenda on these issues.


Author(s):  
Arutyun Gurgenovich AIRAPETOV

We discuss one of the key problems of the modern history – the collapse of the dualistic Austro-Hungarian Empire. The dual monarchy, or Monarchy, lasted a little more than half a century, from 1867 to 1918, and disintegrated as a result of the sharp aggravation of interethnic contradictions and the military-political defeat of the Central Powers. The book of the contemporary of the historical drama, the Hungarian publicist, the left-liberal politician O. Jászi occupies a special place is in the rich Austro-Hungarianism. The author of this study was the scientific editor of the translation of O. Jászi’s book into Russian. We examine two innovative ideas in many ways pioneer of O. Jászi’s historical and sociological labor: a) the contradictory impact of economic forces (factor) on the close integration of multi-level regions of the Danube monarchy; b) as we show, relying on the research of O. Jászi, the psychological reason for the collapse of the polyethnic state was the cultural and mental incompatibility of Hungarians and Austrian Germans, as well as of other peoples of the Monarchy. We summarize that the economic backwardness of Hungary and the originality of the Hungarian national identity, different political culture were the deep disintegrational factors of the disappearance of one of the largest continental empires from the world political map.


England is ruled directly from Westminster by institutions and parties that are both English and British. The non-recognition of England reflects a long-standing assumption of ‘unionist statecraft’ that to draw a distinction between what is English and what is British risks destabilising the union state. The book examines evidence that this conflation of England and Britain is growing harder to sustain in view of increasing political divergence between the nations of the UK and the awakening of English national identity. These trends were reflected in the 2016 vote to leave the European Union, driven predominantly by English voters (outside London). Brexit was motivated in part by a desire to restore the primacy of the Westminster Parliament, but there are countervailing pressures for England to gain its own representative institutions and for devolution to England’s cities and regions. The book presents competing interpretations of the state of English nationhood, examining the views that little of significance has changed, that Englishness has been captured by populist nationalism, and that a more progressive, inclusive Englishness is struggling to emerge. We conclude that England’s national consciousness remains fragmented due to deep cleavages in its political culture and the absence of a reflective national conversation about England’s identity and relationship with the rest of the UK and the wider world. Brexit was a (largely) English revolt, tapping into unease about England’s place within two intersecting Unions (British and European), but it is easier to identify what the nation spoke against than what it voted for.


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