Democracy, Screens, Identity, and Social Networks: The Case of Donald Trump’s Election

2017 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 320-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ferran Sáez-Mateu

The unexpected election of Donald Trump as the new U.S. president is situated in a complex and unprecedented intersection of ideas regarding democracy, identity, and social networks, all against the background of the omnipresent and cultural centrality of the digital screen. In this article, we will try to analyze these links through the concept of the paraphragmatic screen, an unusual term from the Greek that is found in Plato’s famous myth of the cave. Our thesis is that the paraphragmatic screen that hosts social networks is not merely interactive. It is also a porous surface that no longer serves only to communicate in the traditional sense but also for senders and receivers to negotiate what is and is not real or true. Using it changes the rules of the game for political communication and even for politics itself while it also generates new types of negotiable identities, as much at the individual level as at the collective.

Author(s):  
Barbara J. Risman

This is the first data chapter. In this chapter, respondents who are described as true believers in the gender structure, and essentialist gender differences are introduced and their interviews analyzed. They are true believers because, at the macro level, they believe in a gender ideology where women and men should be different and accept rules and requirements that enforce gender differentiation and even sex segregation in social life. In addition, at the interactional level, these Millennials report having been shaped by their parent’s traditional expectations and they similarly feel justified to impose gendered expectations on those in their own social networks. At the individual level, they have internalized masculinity or femininity, and embody it in how they present themselves to the world. They try hard to “do gender” traditionally.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 718
Author(s):  
Thomas Dolmark ◽  
Osama Sohaib ◽  
Ghassan Beydoun ◽  
Kai Wu

Absorptive capacity is a common barrier to knowledge transfer at the individual level. However, technology absorptive capacity can enhance an individual’s learning behaviour. This study investigates that technology readiness, the tools for knowledge sources, social influences, and social networks influence an individual’s absorptive capacity on an adaptation of the individual learning behaviour. A quantitative approach is used to assess the presence of a causal relationship from the constructs mentioned above. Data were collected from university students in Australia to examine the hypotheses. With 199 responses, a partial least squares structural equation modelling (PLS-SEM) approach was used for the analysis. The results generated mixed findings. Individual’s technological belief in optimism and innovation and social influences had a significantly weaker effect on individual absorptive capacity, which in turn had a significantly weaker impact on their learning behaviour.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eike Mark Rinke ◽  
Julia Lück

This essay examines the importance of political ideology for the occurrence of political communication effects on the individual level. It is a common assumption in this research area that people tend to be selective about the political information they expose themselves to and also to selectively process it. Selective exposure and selective perception processes are mainly based on the dominant political orientation of the recipient, which usually leads to a reinforcement of preexisting political perceptions and attitudes. We review recent research on selective exposure and perceptions and argue for greater involvement of findings in social psychology regarding differences in cognitive styles that underlie individual policy orientations and justify why and how these findings can promote the study of partisan selectivity in the reception of political communication. We conclude by highlighting theoretical and methodological perspectives arising from the proposed extension of research on selectivity in the process of receiving political communication. [Publication of this chapter in the public domain courtesy of Frank & Timme publishers. Publisher website: http://www.frank-timme.de/verlag/verlagsprogramm/buch/verlagsprogramm/kathrin-mokmichael-stahl-hg-politische-kommunikation-heute/]


Author(s):  
Hirokazu Shirado ◽  
Forrest W. Crawford ◽  
Nicholas A. Christakis

In emergencies, social coordination is especially challenging. People connected with each other may respond better or worse to an uncertain danger than isolated individuals. We performed experiments involving a novel scenario simulating an unpredictable situation faced by a group in which 2480 subjects in 108 groups had to both communicate information and decide whether to ‘evacuate’. We manipulated the permissible sorts of interpersonal communication and varied group topology and size. Compared to groups of isolated individuals, we find that communication networks suppress necessary evacuations because of the spontaneous and diffuse emergence of false reassurance; yet, communication networks also restrain unnecessary evacuations in situations without disasters. At the individual level, subjects have thresholds for responding to social information that are sensitive to the negativity, but not the actual accuracy, of the signals being transmitted. Social networks can function poorly as pathways for inconvenient truths that people would rather ignore.


2008 ◽  
Vol 19 (6) ◽  
pp. 824-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gino Cattani ◽  
Simone Ferriani

The paper advances a relational perspective to studying creativity at the individual level. Building on social network theory and techniques, we examine the role of social networks in shaping individuals' ability to generate a creative outcome. More specifically, we argue that individuals who occupy an intermediate position between the core and the periphery of their social system are in a favorable position to achieve creative results. In addition, the benefits accrued through an individual's intermediate core/periphery position can also be observed at the team level, when the same individual works in a team whose members come from both ends of the core/periphery continuum. We situate the analysis and test our hypotheses within the context of the Hollywood motion picture industry, which we trace over the period 1992–2003. The theoretical implications of the results are discussed. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. You are free to copy, distribute, transmit and adapt this work, but you must attribute this work as “Organization Science. Copyright © 2017 INFORMS. https://doi.org/10.1287/orsc.1070.0350 , used under a Creative Commons Attribution License: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ .”


Author(s):  
Christian L. Bolden ◽  
Reneé Lamphere

Social networks in gangs refers to both a theoretical and methodological framework. Research within this perspective challenges the idea of gangs as organized hierarchies, suggesting instead that gangs are semi-structured or loosely knit networks and that actions are more accurately related to network subgroupings than to gangs as a whole. The situated location of individuals within a network creates social capital and the fluidity for members to move beyond the boundaries of the group, cooperating and positively interacting with members of rival gangs. Before the millennium, the use of social network analysis as a method to study gangs was rare, but it has since increased in popularity, becoming a regular part of the gang research canon. Gang networks can be studied at the group level and the individual level and can be used for intervention strategies. The concept of gangs as social networks is sometimes confused with social networking sites or social media, which encompasses its own rich and evolving array of gang research. Gang members use social networking sites for instrumental, expressive, and consumer purposes. While the use of network media allows for gang cultural dissemination, it simultaneously allows law enforcement to track gang activity.


2015 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander von Gernler

AbstractWide adoption of mobile computing, smartphones, social networks and big data techniques have brought undoubtable advantages to society as such, as well as to its individuals. The downside of this diffusion of technology throughout society has already been well discussed. Single authors also pointed out the threats not only to the single individual, but to democratic society as a whole. However, suggestions or even practical approaches of how to mitigate these threats not only at the individual level (


The Forum ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-76
Author(s):  
Adam M. Enders ◽  
Joseph E. Uscinski

Abstract Growing levels of polarization and out-group hostility have become fashionable explanations for the caustic politics of the Trump presidency. However, partisan and ideological identities cannot explain popular attraction to Trump’s anti-elite and populist rhetoric, nor can polarization and sorting account for rising levels of mass identification as political independents. In light of these discrepancies, we offer an explanation for the Trump era unrelated to traditional left-right identities and ideologies: anti-establishment orientations. We argue that much of what is interpreted as an expression of partisan and ideological extremism or polarization is actually the product of a deep-seated antagonism toward the broader political establishment. We first exhibit the individual-level correlates of anti-establishment orientations, finding that people holding strong anti-establishment views exhibit relatively high levels of anti-social personality traits and distrust of others. We then show that anti-establishment orientations are more predictive than left-right orientations of beliefs in conspiracy theories regarding COVID-19, QAnon, and voter fraud. Most importantly, we demonstrate that, while anti-establishment orientations are positively related to support for Donald Trump, they are negatively related to support for Joe Biden and both major parties. In short, the toxicity emblematic of the Trump era—support for outsider candidates, belief in conspiracy theories, corrosive rhetoric, and violence—are derivative of antipathy towards the established political order, rather than a strict adherence to partisan and ideological dogma. We conclude that Trump’s most powerful and unique impact on American electoral politics is his activation, inflammation, and manipulation of preexisting anti-establishment orientations for partisan ends.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Betts ◽  
Naohiko Omata ◽  
Olivier Sterck

Abstract In 2016, refugees in the Kakuma camps in Kenya were offered the opportunity to relocate to the new Kalobeyei settlement, which ostensibly offered a better set of opportunities. While it was portrayed by the international community as objectively better for refugees’ autonomy and socio-economic prospects, most refugees in Kakuma viewed the opportunity differently. Less than 16 per cent of refugees who heard about Kalobeyei were willing to be resettled there if land were provided. For refugees, the main justifications for the reluctance to move were linked to the likely disruption to existing social networks. This example of ‘relocation for self-reliance’ has wider implications for how we conceptualize self-reliance. Although the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)’s definition of refugee self-reliance recognizes that it applies to the community level as well as the individual level, self-reliance programmes that exclusively target individuals risk rejection by communities unless they also take into account the importance of social networks.


2013 ◽  
Vol 2013 ◽  
pp. 1-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janette S. Leroux ◽  
Spencer Moore ◽  
Laurette Dubé

Background. Recent research has shown the importance of networks in the spread of obesity. Yet, the translation of research on social networks and obesity into health promotion practice has been slow.Objectives. To review the types of obesity interventions targeting social relational factors.Methods. Six databases were searched in January 2013. A Boolean search was employed with the following sets of terms: (1) social dimensions: social capital, cohesion, collective efficacy, support, social networks, or trust; (2) intervention type: intervention, experiment, program, trial, or policy; and (3) obesity in the title or abstract. Titles and abstracts were reviewed. Articles were included if they described an obesity intervention with the social relational component central. Articles were assessed on the social relational factor(s) addressed, social ecological level(s) targeted, the intervention’s theoretical approach, and the conceptual placement of the social relational component in the intervention.Results. Database searches and final article screening yielded 30 articles. Findings suggested that (1) social support was most often targeted; (2) few interventions were beyond the individual level; (3) most interventions were framed on behaviour change theories; and (4) the social relational component tended to be conceptually ancillary to the intervention.Conclusions. Theoretically and practically, social networks remain marginal to current interventions addressing obesity.


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