Visconti's SENSO: The Art of History

2007 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 342-358
Author(s):  
Giovanna Faleschini Lerner

This article examines Visconti's subversive use of Francesco Hayez's 1859 iconic painting, Il bacio, in Senso as an essential element of the director's critique of Risorgimento history. In particular, the article proposes that through the recontextualization of Hayez's most recognizable work, which played a fundamental role in shaping the Italian patriotic imagination in the nineteenth century, Visconti problematizes cultural and artistic representations of Risorgimento history, as well as historiographical accounts of the unification process. By juxtaposing artistic accounts of a heroic Risorgimento and his characters' story of passion and betrayal, Visconti denounces traditional representations of the independence movement as historically false and politically biased, and uncovers the discrepancies between individual actions and motivations and uncomplicated representations of the Risorgimento. Gramscian perspective on the Risorgimento. By using art as an instrument of ideological critique he also traces a new direction for Italian intellectuals and artists, by attempting to bridge the gap between aesthetics and ideology and reclaiming for “Poetry” an active role in history.

2021 ◽  
Vol VI (I) ◽  
pp. 470-476
Author(s):  
Hazrat Bilal ◽  
Shaista Gohar ◽  
Ayaz Ali Shah

An effort has been made to revisit the political participation of Pakhtun women in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa former NWFP. The active role in the politics of Pakhtun women was quite difficult due to socio-cultural constraints. In such circumstances a woman from the elite class emerged on the political scene of NWFP; Begum Zari Sarfaraz who not only participated in the independence movement of Pakistan but also participated in politics after the creation of Pakistan and had rendered great services for women folk as members of national and provincial assemblies. The paper shed light on her opposition to One Unit. The paper also investigates the reason that why she quit politics. There is hardly any literature on the role of Begum Zari Sarfaraz in the politics of Pakistan.


Author(s):  
Dalia Antonia Muller

This chapter tells the story of two key and connected institutions of the Cuban Independence movement outside of Cuba: the Cuban Revolutionary Party (PRC) and the National Association of Cuban Revolutionary Émigrés (ANERC). These institutions and their records have much to teach us about the political culture of Cubans in exile during the second half of the nineteenth century. More specifically, the chapter explores the tension between inclusion and exclusion that marked both institutions during the 1890s and the first few decades of the twentieth century, with a special emphasis on race, class and gender.


2020 ◽  
Vol 71 (302) ◽  
pp. 937-951
Author(s):  
Colton Valentine

Abstract Beginning with a little-studied scene linking H. G. Wells’s ‘A Misunderstood Artist’ to Joris-Karl Huysmans’s À Rebours, this essay argues that a shared gustatory paradox runs from Huysmanian decadence, through the theories of Edwin Lankester and Max Nordau and into Wells’s writings. In each case, both a pragmatic and an aesthetic relationship to food can signify degeneration. The argument has three major stakes. The first is to reconstruct a robust intertextual relation between the oeuvres of Huysmans and Wells. The second is to complicate readings that cast two of Wells’s scientific romances, The Time Machine and The War of the Worlds, as mouthpieces for imperialist or (pseudo)scientific discourses (Anger, Brantlinger, Budd, Gailor, Gregory, Hendershot, Pick). The third is to build on recent studies of food representation in nineteenth-century literature and propose a novel interpretive method (Cozzi, Gyman, Lee). Taking up William Greenslade’s proposal that fictions construct a ‘network of resistances’ to discursive myths, I argue that gustatory scenes show Wells’s ‘network’ operating in a curious way. They neither kowtow to degeneration nor assume Greenslade’s active role of a ‘critical, combative humanist’. Instead, they give contradictory depictions of moralized eating that play out the myth’s structural paradox.


2020 ◽  
pp. 161189442094378
Author(s):  
Jared Manasek

In the nineteenth century, refugee generation and other forms of ethnic cleansing were a new and central feature in the dismantling of European empires and nationalists’ efforts to territorialize popular sovereignty based on demographic homogeneity. With the 1878 Treaty of Berlin, Europe’s Great Powers sanctioned the territorial principle, but included minority protection clauses intended to maintain mixed populations. This article argues that these protection clauses enabled states to make sovereign claims based not only on population distribution as such, but on the ability to control population movement itself. In its effort to win international sanction—and even Ottoman support—to occupy and administer the Ottoman provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Habsburg government based its arguments almost exclusively on its promised ability to repatriate refugees and manage long-term migration in the provinces. The article shows that states’ claims of power over refugee movement were an essential element of nineteenth-century European diplomacy and an indispensable tool of domestic policy. In the face of nation-state formation and an emerging ideal of demographic homogeneity, the ability to re-establish mixed populations asserted not only state power, but the legitimacy of an ‘imperial’ model of demographic heterogeneity.


2009 ◽  
Vol 5 (S260) ◽  
pp. 340-345
Author(s):  
Antonella Gasperini ◽  
Daniele Galli ◽  
Laura Nenzi

AbstractDonati's comet was one of the most spectacular astronomical events of the nineteenth century. Its extended sword-like tail was a spectacular sight that inspired several literary and artistic representations. Traces of Donati's comet are found in popular magazines, children's books, collection cards, and household objects through the beginning of the twentieth century.


X ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincenzo Cataldo

Towers, corsairs and smugglers in Calabria Ultra during the French Decade (1806-1815)At the beginning of the nineteenth century, even if the phenomenon of running war had subsided, the watch towers still had an active role in controlling the coasts of Southern Italy. Under the French administration some of them were assigned to customs posts, others continued to report the corsair boats always ready to carry out incursive actions. Merchant ships, fishermen and peasants were still struck by the devastating Turkish-Barbarian cruises, but also by corsairs armed by the British in an eternal struggle against the French. The towers are regularly guarded by sentinels armed with non-military weapons, which are not functional to the increasingly sophisticated assaults of the Corsair marines. The people in charge of the customs had to manage a staff often absent from the guardhouse due to malarial fevers, especially during the summer when the coasts were excessively hot. The customs documentation shows the economy of a Southern Italy still rooted in the classic export products: oil, dried figs, cotton, cheese, wine and coarse wool cloths. Raw silk is absent from the market, one of the most exported products until the second half of the eighteenth century and supplanted by the olive tree.


Author(s):  
Robert St. Clair

Rimbaud’s “Impoverished Bodies” ask us to grapple with a core question: “what does poverty tell us about the body, and what does it do to its relations to other bodies?” Here, we scrutinize the representation of marginalized and impoverished figures in the nineteenth-century poetic and political imaginary (Marx, Hegel, Thiers, Hugo, Mallarmé, Coppée, Baudelaire) and show how the problem of poverty draws our attention to the root exposure, vulnerability, and sociality of the body. Paying particular attention to a surprisingly important poem in the Rimbaldian corpus, “Les Effarés,” we find Rimbaud prevailing upon laughter as a form of ideological critique, as a way of contesting dominant discourses on poverty which mask an inhuman indifference to human suffering behind the self-congratulatory appearances of bourgeois humanism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-146
Author(s):  
Diego Barría Traverso

This article the efforts made by certain political actors to change Chilean municipal institutionality between 1854 and 1891. It shows that the initial design guaranteed central government control over the municipalities. This led political actors that are against an active role of the state, to seek to modify its design by giving municipalities greater autonomy. This study shows two issues that are relevant to the theoretical debate. First, bureaucratization generate conflicts, and even antibureaucratic reactions. Secondly, municipalization is not always a univocal concept, but rather that its content depends on the administrative characteristics and traditions of each territory.


2020 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
SÉVERINE AWENENGO DALBERTO

AbstractThe article studies the contexts in which the idea of a separation of the Casamance from the rest of Senegal arose during the process of decolonization. The idea was an outgrowth of colonial representations forged since the end of the nineteenth century. It was first formulated by the French authorities in secret discussions with the representatives of the Casamance in the context of the 1958 referendum. It was taken over by local political leaders who saw it as a possible answer to the debates over representation that arose in the post-war process of democratization, and later by proponents of political mobilization at the sub-regional level after independence. By examining this little-known moment of possibility, the article shows that the claims of the current armed independence movement are in fact part of a longer, more ambivalent history in which a separatist imaginary of the Casamance took shape.


1979 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Joseph Reid

ONE of the principal reasons for the promulgation of the Constitution of Cádiz was the desire of Spanish liberals to answer the complaints of dissenters in overseas colonies and thereby suppress the budding independence movements. This policy met with more success in Yucatán than in most other Spanish colonies. The Yucatecans took advantage of the constitutional reforms to implement a number of economic changes. As long as these changes were in operation, Yucatán was safe from the fervor of the independence movement. To be sure, Yucatán was not completely immune to the appeal of revolutionary propaganda. There was a hard core minority which agitated to disrupt the constitutional system in order to win independence, but this group never gained much popular support. Events outside Yucatán, coupled with the potential threat of crown interference in the economic structure which the Yucatecans were striving to build, led a group of moderates in the Provincial Deputation, an administrative body provided for by the constitution, to declare Yucatán's independence from Spain. Moreover, the motivation for this declaration foreshadowed the factional strife which beset Mexico throughout the nineteenth century.


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