How American Adults Obtain Work Skills: Results of a New National Survey

ILR Review ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 001979392110181
Author(s):  
Paul Osterman

Employer-provided training is an important determinant of economic outcomes, yet our understanding of its extent and distribution is well out of date—with the most recent national survey being from 2008. This article updates our understanding of employer-provided training through a 2020 nationally representative survey of 3,648 working civilian adults between the ages of 24 and 64. Results show that while employer-provided training is reasonably extensive, considerable disparities occur along the lines of race, ethnicity, and educational attainment. Additionally, the author contributes to the literature by making clear distinctions among types of employment—standard, contract (those employed by a contract company but working onsite at another firm), and freelancer (those with no employer per se). Contract workers receive considerably less employer training than do employees who work under standard arrangements. Findings are robust to a range of job skill measures as well as skill specificity. The author also examines the relationship between employer-provided training and whether people seek out training on their own and shows that the inequalities in access to employer-provided training are accentuated with self-directed training.

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shang E. Ha

Recent studies suggest that personality traits affect not only ordinary citizens’ political ideology but also their opinions on specific social or political issues. In line with these studies, this article examines the relationship between personality traits — measured by the Ten Item Personality Inventory (TIPI) — and South Koreans’ attitudes toward North Korea. The results from statistical analysis of two nationally representative surveys reveal that people who are conscientious are less likely to feel close to North Korea and more likely to believe North Korea is a hostile nation, whereas those high on Openness are more likely to harbour positive attitudes toward North Korea. Given that attitudes toward North Korea have been the most important determinant of political ideology in South Korea, these findings seem to be consistent with those of pre-existing studies.


Author(s):  
Ryon J Cobb ◽  
Lauren J Parker ◽  
Roland J Thorpe

Abstract Background This study examines the relationship between self-reported instances of major discrimination and inflammation among older adults, and explores whether this relationship varies in accordance with race/ethnicity. We hypothesized that self-reported instances of major discrimination would be associated with higher levels of high-risk inflammation and that this relationship would be stronger for racial/ethnic minorities than whites. Methods Data from the 2006/2008 Health and Retirement Study, an ongoing biennial nationally representative sample of older adults in the United States, were used to collect measures of self-reported instances of major discrimination and high-risk C-reactive protein (CRP), which was assayed from blood samples. Modified Poisson regression with robust standard errors was applied to estimate the prevalence ratios of self-reported instances of major discrimination, as it relates to high-risk CRP (CRP ≥ 22 kg/m2), and test whether this relationship varies by race/ethnicity. Results Respondents who experienced any instances of major discrimination had a higher likelihood of high-risk CRP (prevalence ratio [PR]: 1.14, 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.07–1.22) than those who did not report experiencing any instances of major discrimination. This association was independent of differences in newly diagnosed health conditions and socioeconomic status. The relationship between any self-reported instance of major discrimination and high-risk CRP was weaker for blacks than whites (PR: 0.81, 95% CI = 0.69–0.95). Conclusions Our study confirms that self-reported instances of major lifetime discrimination is a psychosocial factor that is adversely associated with high-risk CRP among older adults; this association is especially pronounced among older whites. Future studies among this population are required to examine whether the relationship between self-reported instances of major discrimination and high-risk CRP changes over time.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 649-671 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paula Cruz-García ◽  
Jesús Peiró-Palomino

AbstractThis paper analyses the relationship between informal institutions measured by social trust and the provision of private credit. Research on the trust–finance relationship abounds, although most of it is confined to the micro-level, with far fewer contributions from a wide, cross-country perspective. Considering a sample of 119 economies in the period 1993–2015, results suggest that social trust is an important determinant of private credit, and that its effects are transmitted indirectly via some particular aspects of the quality of economic-judicial institutions. In addition, and contrary to previous findings in related areas, substitutive effects for informal and formal institutions are not found. Therefore, informal institutions can improve the quality of the certain types of formal institutions but they are, per se, unable to replace them in the provision of credit. Accordingly, a solid economic-judicial system becomes essential to guarantee credit transactions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 299-309
Author(s):  
Danielle Xiaodan Morales

In light of the ongoing educational shift from favoring men to favoring women, this study contributes to the literature on fertility by investigating the relationship between educational pairings and fertility intentions. To test two competing hypotheses, nationally representative data from the latest wave (2015–2017) of the National Survey of Family Growth were used, and four generalized estimating equation models were estimated. Results indicate that women’s intentions for additional children were influenced by educational pairings. Specifically, when highly educated women had a highly educated partner, their fertility intentions were higher than lower-educated women, but this difference disappeared if those women were in hypogamous relationships; when lower-educated women had lower- or medium-educated partners, their intentions for additional children were significantly lower than highly educated women, but the difference disappeared when she had a highly educated partner. Findings from this study provide new insights into fertility intentions by taking into account both partners’ education.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica M. Rath ◽  
Marisa Greenberg ◽  
Lindsay Pitzer ◽  
Brittany Emelle ◽  
Molly Green ◽  
...  

<p class="Pa7"><strong>Objective: </strong>To examine the relationship between menthol perceptions and support for a national menthol ban.</p><p class="Pa7"><strong>Design: </strong>Descriptive cross-sectional study.</p><p class="Pa7"><strong>Participants: </strong>Data were collected from a nationally representative probability-based panel of adults aged ≥18 years during June 21, 2016 through July 18, 2016. A total of 1,303 respondents, including an oversample of 300 African Americans, completed the survey.</p><p class="Pa7"><strong>Main Outcome Measures: </strong>Weighted logistic regression models examined the relationship between menthol perceptions, specifically related to health and addiction, and the outcome measure: support for a menthol ban, by menthol smoking status. All models controlled for age, sex, education level, and race/ethnicity.</p><p class="Pa7"><strong>Results: </strong>The association between reporting accurate menthol health perceptions dif­fered by menthol preference. Among non-menthol smokers, there was no association between accurate menthol health percep­tions and support of a menthol ban while more accurate menthol perceptions of ad­diction were associated with greater support of a menthol ban (aOR=2.83, CI=1.19- 6.72). Among menthol smokers, more accurate health-related menthol percep­tions were associated with increased odds of supporting a menthol ban (aOR=3.90, CI=1.02-14.79) while more accurate men­thol addiction perceptions were not.</p><p><strong>Conclusions: </strong>Fewer current menthol smok­ers support a menthol ban than current non-menthol smokers given its effect on their preferred product. Given the large proportions of smokers who have misper­ceptions of the health consequences and addictive properties of menthol, there is a moral imperative to inform those who use these products. Findings suggest the need for tailored messaging strategies targeted to reach menthol smokers who will be most impacted by a ban, but also have the most to gain from such a policy change.</p><p><em>Ethn Dis. </em>2018;28(3):177-186; doi:10.18865/ ed.28.3.177.</p>


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