scholarly journals Built on shaky ground: Reflections on Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy

2020 ◽  
Vol 75 (3) ◽  
pp. 298-312
Author(s):  
Jessica Cadesky

In October 2017, Canada launched its Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP). While Canada’s explicit use of the words “feminist” and “feminism” may be refreshing, critical questions on the FIAP’s interpretation and application of these concepts remain. These challenges are not unique to the FIAP. Rather, the central weaknesses of the FIAP can be seen as symptomatic of several endemic challenges that persist in the current policies and practices that seek to promote gender equality in the developing world and beyond. This article presents the theoretical and conceptual lineage that has informed the FIAP, drawing from challenges present within literature on security, gender equality, and gender mainstreaming. Three main shortcomings relevant to both the literature and the FIAP are explored: first, the assumptions and essentialization of “gender” to mean “women ”; second, the frequent conflation of “gender equality” with “women’s empowerment”; and last, the paradox of gender, gender equality, and feminism being simultaneously over-politicized and depoliticized to suit prevailing policy environments, with particular implications for the global coronavirus pandemic, as well as impacts in fragile and conflict-affected states. This analysis sheds light on persistent challenges in feminist foreign policymaking and offers insights for the development of Canada’s White Paper on feminist foreign policy.

Author(s):  
Theodora-Ismene Gizelis

AbstractThis article reviews the literature on gender, conflict, and peace. In traditional security studies there was not much room for gender or gender equality, while feminist theorists have claimed most of the research on war and peace. The empirical research on gender, conflict, and peace is a relatively new sub-field that brings together diverse traditions from sociology, feminist theory, international relations, and economic development. The common ground of all researchers included in this short review is the effort to systematically understand the role of gender in shaping outcomes of conflict and peace. Despite the increasing number of articles and new datasets, I identify four areas that scholars must address for the research agenda to further grow, deepen, and develop as part of the mainstream study of peace and conflict: women’s status and quality of peace, women’s participation, sexual violence, and gender mainstreaming to promote gender equality in development and peace.


2005 ◽  
Vol 8 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 91-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colm O'cinneide

The imposition since 1998 of a variety of positive equality duties upon public authorities has attracted comparatively little academic attention. However, these duties are a central part of current government equality initiatives, increasingly constitute a major part of the work of the UK's equality commissions, and have been described as an essential part of a new ‘fourth generation’ of equality legislation. It now appears likely that a positive duty to promote gender equality will soon be imposed upon public authorities, which will complement similar race and disability duties. Will the introduction of this positive gender equality duty add to, detract or complement existing statutory provisions? Given the danger that ‘soft law’ initiatives may undermine existing anti-discrimination controls, will the duty provide a clear steer to public authorities, or will it lack teeth, substance and direction, and possibly even prove counter-productive? Such positive duties are designed to compensate for the limitations of existing anti-discrimination law, by requiring the taking of positive steps to promote equality and eliminate discrimination, rather than just compelling a reactive compliance with the letter of the (equality) law. The justifications in principle for the introduction of such duties are strong: for the first time, the introduction of a positive gender duty will impose a clear legislative obligation upon public authorities to adopt a substantive equality approach and to take proactive action to redress patterns of disadvantage linked to gender discrimination. Serious concerns do however exist as to the extent to which such duties can be enforced, and the danger that they will simply encourage greater bureaucratic activity at the expense of real change. The proposed gender duty, as with the other duties that have been introduced, is no panacea. Nevertheless, it does constitute a good start, can serve a useful function by empowering public authorities to take positive action, and if effectively used will be a very valuable point of pressure to push for better things.


Author(s):  
Valerie M. Hudson ◽  
Lauren Eason

Drawing on the cases of the United States and Sweden, this chapter considers the conceptual and practical issues associated with the implementation of a feminist foreign policy (FFP). While Foreign Minister Margot Wallstrom of Sweden is perhaps the most vocal and overt advocate of the concept, the US State Department under Hillary Clinton also arguably promoted policies that were feminist in nature. This chapter examines the conceptualization of the term “feminist foreign policy,” probing dimensions, contestations, and inconsistencies. It explores the inherent pitfalls and misconceptions surrounding FFP, as well as the positive contributions of policies that promote gender equality. This chapter concludes that while FFP is not inherently pacifist, it does prioritize peace, and thus engaging in military interventions and alliances requires careful consideration under feminist just war principles. Moreover, this chapter argues that the dissemination of gender equality norms act as a mechanism that facilitates a more stable, secure, and peaceful nation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-198
Author(s):  
Inger Skjelsbæk ◽  
Torunn Lise Tryggestad

Abstract The national self-image of Norway is as a gender-equal and peace-promoting nation. Norwegian gender equality policies grew out of a strong social and political civil society engagement from below combined with equal rights laws as well as quota systems implemented from above by the state. In this paper, we explore the intersection of pro-gender norms and peace engagement in Norwegian foreign policy. While gender mainstreaming has been on the agenda of Norwegian development cooperation for decades, the introduction of pro-gender norms in peace engagement is a more recent phenomenon. How are gender equality norms and concerns understood and promoted by Norwegian peace facilitators in practice. And how are pro-gender experiences, values, and norms balanced in Norwegian peace engagement?


Author(s):  
Vera Lomazzi ◽  
Isabella Crespi

The introductory chapter aims at presenting the most important aspects of the book exploring the European policy strategy for gender equality, known as gender mainstreaming. The book focuses on the historical and socioeconomic changes in Europe regarding gender mainstreaming strategy and gender equality as a concept, while previous contributions focused only on specific aspects (legislation, economy, and politics).Furthermore, the connection between the institutional level of policymaking and the local implementation of European laws in the field of gender equality is an innovative issue because that was not so often connected with the topic of the gender culture of European societies or with their individual opinions/attitudes on gender roles. Lastly, the book explores innovative intersections between the fields of gender policies and survey research in order to investigate how GM policies affect regional gender cultures. In this way the issue of gender mainstreaming is observed as an ‘evergreen’ topicin the context of the changing beliefs, social structure, economics and political configuration of the European Union from the beginning till now, and with some critical points to be addressed for the future (such as economic crises, migration and integration process).


Author(s):  
Alexis Leanna Henshaw

While explicit efforts at gender mainstreaming in foreign policy are relatively recent, a view of foreign policy through a feminist lens illustrates that foreign policy has always been gendered. Feminist scholarship in this area suggests that masculinity has historically shaped foreign policy in important ways, while the increased presence of women in national governments, government cabinets, and the diplomatic corps has produced some notable change in policy outcomes. An examination of two key concepts related to policymaking and gender—securitization and gender mainstreaming—shows how gender issues have come to the forefront of national and international security agendas since 2000. In particular, the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda promulgated by the United Nations has obligated individual states to address gendered security issues, and dozens of countries have responded with their own National Action Plans. While these national efforts have led to some improvement in the status of women and related humanitarian outcomes, feminist scholars generally agree that the WPS agenda has stalled in its efforts to produce transformative change. As a way forward, feminist foreign policy stances promise to produce more comprehensive outcomes, though a backlash toward gender mainstreaming and the re-emergence of more traditional security threats has led to questions about the future of such efforts.


Author(s):  
Aliza Forman-Rabinovici

Abstract In light of postcolonial feminist criticisms, this article asks how does gender mainstreaming functions as a strategy for introducing a gender perspective into the constitution writing process and constitutional text? The 2005 Iraqi Constitution is used to explore the method outside of its usual Western-dominated intergovernmental organization (IGO) context. Three main questions guide the analysis: Did gender mainstreaming promote gender equality effectively? Were there any shortcomings that were a result of a failure to account for intersectionality? Was the association of gender mainstreaming with Western-dominated IGOs a hindrance to the advancement of gender equality?


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