The View From Orthodoxy: Point/Counterpoint on Globalization and Human Rights

2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-370
Author(s):  
Claudio Schuftan

The long-term trend of globalization masks a frank deterioration of the situation of the have-nots. Since 1970, polarization has grown faster than inequality, with alarming consequences for human rights and the economy overall. Globalization has continued to enrich the few at the expense of providing a decent livelihood and respecting the human rights of the many. Industrialized countries continue to be the rule makers—poor countries the rule takers. Rich countries go for growth, but an inequality-entrenching growth that brings about human rights violations and poverty. In many developing economies, income inequality and the violation of human rights have clearly increased over the past 3 decades. Discriminated losers have been fighting globalization before it had a name; they still are. Globalization has thus actually resulted in greater income inequality plus human rights violations and disrupted lives. Globalization may well be a finished project. We must remind our respective governments that they have the power to improve working people’s lives so that they, once and for all, address the needs of those who lose out from technological change and globalization. Otherwise, our political problems will only deepen.

2021 ◽  
pp. 27-53
Author(s):  
Johanna Bond

This chapter delves into examples of global intersectionality to illustrate the need for a thorough and consistent intersectional approach to human rights violations around the world. Although it is impossible to provide an exhaustive analysis of the many and varied types of intersectional human rights violations, this chapter offers multiple examples of intersectional human rights violations, including (1) gender-based violence, including both non-state actors who commit intimate partner violence and sexual violence in armed conflict; (2) maternal mortality and inadequate prenatal care in Brazil; (3) coerced sterilization among the Roma in Europe; (4) disproportionate discipline and punishment of Black girls in the United States; and (5) inconsistent LGBTQI rights. These case studies implicate different human rights, including the right to be free from violence, the right to education, and the right to the highest attainable standard of health. Each example demonstrates how a more nuanced, intersectional lens is necessary to capture the rights at stake and to contemplate appropriate remedies for victims of human rights violations in full.


2015 ◽  
Vol 109 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
KIERAN OBERMAN

What are the ethical implications of global poverty for immigration policy? This article finds substantial evidence that migration is effective at reducing poverty. There is every indication that the adoption of a fairly open immigration policy by rich countries, coupled with selective use of immigration restrictions in cases of deleterious brain drain, could be of significant assistance to people living in poor countries. Empirically there is nothing wrong with using immigration policy to address poverty. The reason we have to reject such an approach is not empirical but normative. People have human rights to stay in their home country and to migrate elsewhere. Counter poverty measures that require people to move or to stay are likely to violate these rights. Everyone should be free to migrate but no one should be forced to migrate. Using immigration policy to address global poverty, in place of alternatives, fails on both these counts.


2017 ◽  
pp. 29-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Marie Gallagher

Although efforts have been directed towards the protection of victims of human trafficking and smuggling, the existing systems are still flawed and lack more effective ways to provide support, assistance and long-term status to those victims. Several international mechanisms exist, however, the protection and assistance they provide often depends on the nature or value of the information provided by victims. Asylum may be the only relief available to victims of smuggling, many of whom suffer serious human rights violations. This article provides several proposals for obtaining permanent legal status in destination countries for women who fear returning to their home country or who cannot return because of great economic need. Specifically, the article will discuss relief under the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1967 Protocol, provide suggestions for improved trafficking visas and, finally, suggest that labour based immigration include work visas for prostitutes.Published online: 11 December 2017


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-208
Author(s):  
Shamus McFee

The aim of this paper is to illumine the insidious and covert nature of the racially motivated programme of measures, implemented by the State Party and other key stakeholders in Scottish society, ostensibly designed to crush and eradicate age-old Scottish Gypsy Traveller culture. To best rationalise those actions committed necessitates exploration of various themes: the treatment meted out, the mindset underpinning those actions, the attitudinal context, the intersectionality of the human rights violations and the long term effects of the damage sustained, both at an individual and collective level, by those subjected nationally to such assimilatory schemes, culminating in an inquisition of the reasons furnished by the Scottish Government for its subsequent refusal to grant an apology to the victims – despite repeated appeals to that end. The methodology will include personal photographs, reference to historical papers, relevant newspaper articles, and files from both national and local authority archives. The corollary of these investigations will conclude that the human rights of Scottish Gypsy Travellers have been irrefutably violated under international law; this has been executed with impunity by the authorities and, inarguably, constitutes a crime against humanity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402110375
Author(s):  
Nita Rudra ◽  
Irfan Nooruddin ◽  
Niccolò W. Bonifai

This special issue explores why the globalization backlash is roiling rich industrialized countries. But why is the backlash less salient in developing ones? In this piece, we challenge scholars to consider why the backlash has not diffused widely to the developing world. We argue support for globalization depends on citizens’ expectations of future economic mobility. This is high in the early phases of globalization which encapsulates many developing economies. Since information about globalization’s effects is limited, observed mobility of some sustains optimism that the new economic order will allow everyone to prosper. Over time, unrealized expectations of mobility for less-skilled workers puncture this optimism. Such workers in rich countries are long past the honeymoon phase of globalization and confronting realities of stagnant incomes and job precarity. Barring visionary policies unlikely to emerge from today’s polarized politics, their discontent will soon be shared by their developing country counterparts, dooming future globalization.


Author(s):  
Scott M. Moore

The concept of hydropolitics outlined in the Introduction defines conflict and cooperation over water as part of a set of interactions that occur at both international and subnational levels. On this definition, conflicts between states, provinces, or municipalities differ in degree from those that occur between countries but not necessarily in kind. Indeed, as this chapter details, there are many more similarities than differences between international and subnational hydropolitics. But reconceptualizing hydropolitics as a continuum rather than a dichotomy between international and subnational levels requires considerable elaboration, which this chapter attempts in three sections. The first seeks to better define subnational hydropolitics by comparing and contrasting it with its international equivalent, noting in particular a long-term trend toward greater institutionalized cooperation at the international, but not necessarily the subnational, level. The second explains this divergence by exploring the many constraints that central governments face in attempting to manage water resources, especially when political power is decentralized. As this section demonstrates, contrary to popular belief, shared water resources can be difficult to manage even when they are contained within the same country. Finally, the third builds on this conceptual foundation by adding an empirical survey of subnational hydropolitics in ten countries, in the process sketching its three basic dimensions: interjurisdictional, intergovernmental, and state–society relationships. In reconceptualizing hydropolitics along these lines, this chapter attempts to address the first of the key questions raised in the Introduction, namely why interjurisdictional collective action in shared river basins can be equally or even more difficult at the subnational than the international level. The answer has much to do with the often unappreciated limits of the state in managing shared water resources—and the likewise unrecognized role that subnational political elites can play in hindering its involvement. But states are not without their advantages: as Chapter 3 details, they can offer third parties opportunities to support cooperation instead of conflict.


2019 ◽  
pp. 120-129
Author(s):  
D. L. Lopatnikov

Anthropogenic CO2 emissions are currently considered by the UN and other authoritative international organizations engaged in monitoring changes in the Earth’s biogeosphere as one of the main indicators of the global environmental situation. According to the official Doctrine of Sustainable Development, anthropogenic CO2 emissions are one of the main causes of global warming. The article examines the dynamics of CO2 emissions by countries and regions of the world from the 1970s to the 2010s. The correlation between the volume of CO2 emissions and changes in the overall territorial distribution of the world economy has been demonstrated. Over the past fifty years, the geography of anthropogenic CO2 emissions by countries and macro-regions of the world has changed dramatically. The share of the most economically developed countries in the volume of CO2 emissions has decreased. The main epicenter of anthropogenic CO2 emissions has shifted to the countries belonging to the semi-periphery of the world. The movement of the main foci of anthropogenic CO2 emissions on the world map reflects qualitative shifts in the global geoecological panorama over the past fifty years. The dynamics and spatial transformation of anthropogenic CO2 emissions is an illustration of the long-term trend of the change from negative to positive through the cycle of multidirectional shifts of one of the many ecologically significant processes on Earth.


2014 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 383-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
VALBONA MUZAKA ◽  
MATTHEW LOUIS BISHOP

AbstractThis article challenges conventional narratives that suggest that the travails in the Doha Round, the shift to bilateral free trade agreements, and the broader unfolding of the global crisis collectively presage the decline of either the WTO or the broader institution of multilateral trade. We question the extent to which recent trends can indeed be said to constitute a genuine crisis of trade multilateralism by reflecting upon the contradictory and ambiguous nature of the multilateralism of the past, and also upon how contemporary multilateralism has been framed with reference to it. Our main finding is that, in contrast to the many short and medium-term symptoms which tend to appear in the conventional story of multilateral decline, there is actually a far more worrying long-term trend which underpins the varied conflicts that characterise contemporary trade politics: the fundamental lack of a shared social purpose between the developed countries and the more powerful emerging countries on which a stable, equitable, and legitimate edifice of multilateral trade rules can be erected, institutionalised, and enhanced.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-26
Author(s):  
Adaobiagu Obiagu ◽  
Okechukwu Nwaubani

Human rights promotion continues to elude Nigeria, despite the many human rights instruments ratified and the various human rights initiatives taken. The key question behind this paper is: Why is human rights behaviour poor and human rights violations high despite numerous measures to address these issues? To examine this, the study investigates teachers’ awareness of curriculum contents and pedagogies for cultivating human rights, drawing on a survey of 170 social studies teachers in Enugu State. We find challenges to teaching for human rights, including teachers’ poor knowledge of human rights content; a lack of awareness of human rights pedagogies; a reluctance to engage in activism; and little engagement with participatory pedagogies. We explain these challenges with reference to conservative teacher education, entrenched patriarchal values, a strong nationalistic-oriented curriculum, and authoritarian school structures. We recommend transforming Nigerian social studies teacher education programmes and policies to enable social justice and human rights.


Author(s):  
Martin Scheinin

This chapter first addresses the question of whether terrorism constitutes a violation of human rights, or whether the notion of human rights violations can only be applied to action by states, and then considers challenges to the applicability of human rights law in the fight against terrorism, particularly since 9/11. It focuses on the notion of terrorism, and in particular the risks posed to human rights protection by vague or over-inclusive definitions of terrorism. The main section of the chapter deals with some of the major challenges posed by counter-terrorism measures to substantive human rights protections. It is argued that the unprecedented post-9/11 wave of counter-terrorism laws and measures that infringed upon human rights was a unique situation, and that governments and intergovernmental organizations are realizing that full compliance with human rights in the fight against terrorism is not only morally and legally correct but is also the most effective way of combating terrorism in the long term.


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