The Growth of Output and Productivity in the UK: the 1980s as a Phase of the Post-War Period

1990 ◽  
Vol 133 ◽  
pp. 78-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Feinstein ◽  
Robin Matthews

The completion of Mrs Thatcher's first ten years as Prime Minister stimulated many surveys of the economic policy of the government during that time in office (for instance Layard and Nickell 1989; Bean and Symons 1989). Authors writing at that time were concerned particularly to make comparisons with the performance of the predominantly Labour governments that had been in power during the previous economic cycle, running from 1973 to 1979.

2020 ◽  
pp. 29-57
Author(s):  
Stephen Wall

Post-war Labour and Conservative governments saw the UK’s global interests as lying primarily with the United States and the Commonwealth. They took no part in the formation of the European Coal and Steel Community or in the proposed European Defence Community, though, when the EDC idea foundered, Prime Minister Anthony Eden played a prominent role in promoting European defence, just as Labour Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin had done in fostering the establishment of NATO. The British sent only an observer to the Messina Conference (1956) that negotiated the terms of the Treaty of Rome establishing the European Community (EEC). The UK set up its own trading bloc (EFTA) but it could not compete politically or economically with the EEC and, in 1961, the government of Prime Minister Harold Macmillan applied for EEC membership, despite the opposition of France’s President de Gaulle.


2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 147-157
Author(s):  
Nicholas Coni

Professor Juan Negrín López was Prime Minister of the democratically elected left-wing government of Spain for the latter two-and-a-half years of the three-year Civil War which ravaged the country between 1936 and 1939. The side loyal to the government lost, partly because of the generous aid received by their opponents from Germany and Italy, partly because of the Anglo-French agreement, observed by most countries but ignored by Germany and Italy, to outlaw arms supplies to either side, partly because of internal dissent, and partly because of the greater military capability of the enemy. Negrín led the country with tenacity and wisdom, but is remembered with ambivalence in Spain, and hardly at all elsewhere, although he spent the years of his post-war exile in the UK and France. This paper draws attention to a member of the medical profession who achieved both academic and political distinction, but whose career ended in a disaster which he was powerless to prevent. Among his admirable qualities, he should be remembered for his courage. Like most wars, the Spanish Civil War had its share of psychopaths and villains – but also its share of heroes, and Juan Negrín belongs among their number.


Urban Studies ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 210-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Hoolachan ◽  
Kim McKee

In contrast to the post-war period, the late 20th and early 21st centuries in the UK have been characterised by the advancement of neoliberal policies including privatisation of the housing system and employment casualisation. Consequently, there are growing socioeconomic inequalities between those born in the post-war period – the ‘Baby Boomers’ – and the younger generation – the ‘Millennials’. Such inequalities have led to narratives of inter-generational conflict with Baby Boomers framed as jeopardising the futures of Millennials. Drawing on Mannheim’s theory of social generations, the concept of generational habitus and qualitative data from 49 Baby Boomers and 62 Millennials, we unpack the ways in which inter-generational inequalities are intersubjectively understood and discussed. Our data indicate that while young people are aware of inter-generational inequalities, they do not feel resentful towards their parents’ generation for profiting at their expense. Instead, many blame the government for not representing their interests. Thus, narratives of inter-generational conflict misleadingly direct blame towards the agency of Baby Boomers rather than political structures.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 332-346
Author(s):  
David Mangan*

2020 had been marked as a significant year for the UK with its departure from the European Union. The coronavirus pandemic quickly became the most important issue facing the Government under a third Prime Minister since the 2016 referendum. From the start, problems have dogged this Government in meeting the monumental challenges posed by Covid-19. The UK approached the work implications of this pandemic in some distinct ways, as compared to European Union Member States. This piece is longer than other country reports in this volume as a result of critically engaging with these differences.


Author(s):  
Ananieva Elena

Prime Minister T. May has put forward the concept of "Global Britain". After the United Kingdom had left the EU, the concept was formalized under the government of Boris Johnson in the document “Integrated Review of Security, Defense, Development and Foreign Policy "Global Britain in a Competitive Age"”. The article presents an analysis of its goals, methods and practical implementation. Britain, realizing itself as a "middle power", intends to build a system of alliances to counter China and Russia, the latter designated as an ”acute direct threat” to the UK.


Author(s):  
J. Hudson

Like many of its western counterparts, the United Kingdom (UK) government has a long history of using IT in the administration and delivery of public services. Indeed, as early as 1959 mainframe computers were introduced in order to automate some routine aspects of public administration (Margetts & Willcocks, 1992, p. 329). However, it was not until the late 1970s and early 1980s—as the UK rose to the forefront of the emerging microcomputer industry—that IT featured in policy discourse in anything other than an extremely minor fashion. Even then—despite the appointment of Kenneth Baker as the government’s first Information Technology Minister in 1981—the issue did not feature prominently and there was nothing approaching the equivalence of the neighbouring French government’s review of the long-term social and economic policy implications of L’Informatisation d’Societe commissioned in 1976 by President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing (Nora & Minc, 1980). In fact, one former government minister claimed in his diaries that Baker’s appointment to the government had more to do with finding a minor role for a politician piqued at his omission from the Cabinet than with Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s belief in the importance of IT related issues (Lawson, 1992). However, the agenda began to gather some pace following Thatcher’s departure in 1990. Under the helm of Prime Minister John Major, the Conservatives introduced a number of important policies—including a series of industrially focused information society initiatives aimed at boosting the use of ICTs by business. In addition, prompted perhaps by the popular emergence of the Internet, other branches of government began to show a greatly increased interest in the issue. For instance, a Parliamentary committee—the House of Lords Science and Technology Committee (1996)—produced a major report on the implications of the information society for government. In addition, the publication of a major study on the same issue by the European Union (1994) added weight to the emerging agenda. Shortly before losing power in 1997, the Major government produced what was arguably the UK government’s first systematic consideration of the implications of ICTs for government when it published an exploratory Green Paper titled Government.Direct (CITU, 1996). Though it came too late in the life of the government to advance its ideas any further than the discussion stage, it at least served to heighten the prominence of the agenda (Hudson, 2002).


Significance The UK government’s landslide election victory in 2019 has given Prime Minister Boris Johnson room to pursue an agenda for governance that targets institutions such as the Supreme Court and the Electoral Commission. The government has also ignored the recommendations of ethics bodies and appointed to key positions individuals with close personal ties to the ruling Conservative Party. Impacts The government’s agenda risks attracting increasingly questionable sources of offshore political money and support. The institutional agenda to remove constitutional constraints and reform the civil service will likely resume after COVID-19. The successful roll-out of the COVID-19 vaccination would likely boost public confidence in the UK government.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petra Schleiter ◽  
Georgina Evans

Abstract Executive–legislative relations in the UK are undergoing a process of transformation, and the confidence relationship is part of that change. The confidence relationship not only ensures that the executive is responsible to the legislature, but it also structures bargaining between government and the legislature via the parliament-initiated vote of no confidence and the executive-invoked vote of confidence. The Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 changes this relationship by removing from the prime minister the power to call an early election should confidence be lost, and by introducing one formal way of wording no-confidence and confidence motions. We place these changes in comparative context, showing that they strengthen parliament vis-à-vis the government, and discuss their implications against the background of contemporary constitutional practice in developed parliamentary democracies, medium-term electoral and political trends in the UK, and the 2019 Brexit deadlock.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 130-162
Author(s):  
Sławomir Kamosiński

AbstractThe Prime Minister’s program speech, called the exposé, attracts particular attention. Its essence comes down to presenting the government’s program. In a few key words, the Prime Minister often summarizes the framework proposals of his government in terms of economic policy, social policy, education, health care, the army as well as individual social and professional groups. The words spoken by the Prime Minister, asking for confidence in the government that has just been formed set the direction for the entire Council of Ministers for subsequent years. In this regard, there is a need to examine the economic policy of every Prime Minister in office since 1989 considering entrepreneurs. What offer did the heads of government make to entrepreneurs, what kind of support could this group count on, how were the institutions supporting the economy and political institutions evaluated? The aim of this article is to find answers to the presented problems.


1975 ◽  
Vol 74 ◽  
pp. 39-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.A. Bispham

Over recent years there has been increasing criticism of what may be called ‘conventional’ economic policy-making The methods of forecasting and analysis used at the National Institute and elsewhere are at the centre of this type type of policy formation, and, although there have certainly been forecasting errors, the conclusion of this article is that nothing better has been proposed. This is certainly true of the New Cambridge view of the balance of payments which always had many theoretical difficulties, but which has now, it is demonstrated, also fallen down empirically.The school which is here labelled Monetarist is defined rather widely and probably includes somewhat divergent strains of thinking. They have in common however that they reject the cost-push explanation of inflation in favour of a monetary/excess demand theory. Attention is restricted to those who have commented on the UK situation. It is the central contention of this section of the article that the case is not proven by the sorts of ‘evidence’ which tend to be adduced. It is much more likely that the relatively painless monetarist cure for inflation is not a real option at all, but a mirage resulting from excessive concentration on statistical correlations of quarterly post-war data. A much broader view considers the important implications of the shift from the pre-war world to the ‘full employment welfare state’.


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