scholarly journals Entrepreneurs and Entrepreneurship in the Exposé of the Prime Ministers: From Tadeusz Mazowiecki to Mateusz Morawiecki

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 130-162
Author(s):  
Sławomir Kamosiński
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Economic Policy ◽  
Social Policy ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Professional Groups ◽  
The Government ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
Heads Of Government

AbstractThe Prime Minister’s program speech, called the exposé, attracts particular attention. Its essence comes down to presenting the government’s program. In a few key words, the Prime Minister often summarizes the framework proposals of his government in terms of economic policy, social policy, education, health care, the army as well as individual social and professional groups. The words spoken by the Prime Minister, asking for confidence in the government that has just been formed set the direction for the entire Council of Ministers for subsequent years. In this regard, there is a need to examine the economic policy of every Prime Minister in office since 1989 considering entrepreneurs. What offer did the heads of government make to entrepreneurs, what kind of support could this group count on, how were the institutions supporting the economy and political institutions evaluated? The aim of this article is to find answers to the presented problems.

Prime Ministers of the Russian Empire as Appraised by the Rights (1905 – the first half of 1914)

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 273-311
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
Head Of Government

The article examines the attitude of the monarchists to the political figures who headed the Council of Ministers in 1905–1914. Monarchist organizations that functioned in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century were absolutely loyal to the monarch but at the same time were rather skeptical towards the government appointed by him. With most criticism they treated the first Chairman of the Council of Ministers – S. Yu. Witte. They blamed him not only for the destruction of farming in favor of industry development, making the population take to drinking with the aim to replenish the treasury, betrayal of Russian’s interests in the negotiations in Portsmouth and constitutionalism, but also expressly accused him in supporting the revolutionary movement in Russia with goal of seizing the supreme power. P.A. Stolypin was initially received by the monarchists rather loyally in the position of the head of government, but later he also caused displeasure of the Rights when he followed the way of “the constitutionalism” and relied on parliamentary parties in his work, leaving the non-conventional monarchists on the sideline of political process. Moreover, the Rights claimed that Stolypin was to blame for the split in the monarchist camp into the “Dubrovintsy” and the “Obnovlentsy” whose struggle against each other weakened the Rights on the verge of the critical challenge. The new head of the government V.N. Kokovtsov was well supported by the Rights for a certain time who saw him as a kind of “technical” Prime Minister, not outshining the monarch. But when Kokovtsov refused to financially support the “Obnovlentsy” wing of the Rights, who were at first quite loyal to the government, they drifted into the camp of the opposition. And “Dubrovintsy” approved of some of Kokovtsov’s actions in the spheres of finance and economy, but still were wary of the Prime Minister as they saw him as supporter of liberal ideas in the government. So, only I.L Goremykin, who were twice appointed Prime Minister in the period of interest, was not subjected to the criticism of the Rights, who highly valued his devotion to the monarch and thus disregarded the lack of actual success of the government headed by him.

Vice-Premiers en kernkabinetten : Een evaluatie van deze innovaties

Res Publica ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-43
Author(s):  
Willy Claes
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Deputy Prime Minister ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
The Impact

The function of Deputy Prime Minister is not specified in the Belgian Constitution, nevertheless it is imposed by force ofcustom. Since 1961, there have been in each government one or more Deputy Prime Ministers whether or not carrying the formal title. The Deputy Prime Minister was originally the number two in the government, behind the Prime Minister. Usually, he belongs to another party. Thanks to the competences attributed to him in the government, his position in his party and his natural authority and leadership, he tries, together with the prime minister, to manage the government in the right direction and to maintain the cohesion in the coalition. The Deputy Prime Minister is at the same time also in charge of a given ministry. The function of Deputy Prime Minister has become more important due to the increased influence of political parties within and upon the government. The Deputy Prime Minister acts now explicitly as spokesperson of his party within the government and defends the decisions of the government within his party. After the split of the national parties in a Flemish and a Walloon party and as consequence, the increase of parties in government, the number of Deputy Prime Ministers also increased. It became usual that each party in government had his own Deputy Prime Minister, even the party of the Prime Minister since the latter is considered to be politically neutral. Under the name of 'Cabinet for general affairs ', the 'kernkabinet' raised in1961 to handle all major problems and initiatives of the government. The 'kernkabinet' interpreted this rather vague description of its competences in a broad way. lts members were the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister and some other senior ministers. Usually, an equilibrium on the basis of party- and language-affiliations was installed. In the second half of the 1970s, the role and the impact of the 'kernkabinet' increased gradually. The 'kernkabinet' had become a real decision-making institution, gathering several times a week. As a consequence, the role of the Council of Ministers on certain issues was degraded to merely ratify decisions taken by the 'kernkabinet'. Much critique was voiced on this evolution, especially upon the lack of transparency and efficiency.Although heavily criticized, the 'kernkabinet' has proved to be a very helpful instrument to take decisions on complex and delicate problems. In 1981, the 'kernkabinet' was formally abolished and in 1992, the Dehaene-government abolished all ministerial committees. Despite these abolitions, there was and still is nowadays the tendency to gather with the senior ministers to solve complex problems. De facto the kernkabinet holds strong.

Political Parties and Social Policy

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey M. Stonecash
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Public Policy ◽  
Economic Policy ◽  
Social Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Government Programs ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
Party Control ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Over Time

Party battles for control of government are seen as efforts to reshape public policy. In prior decades, the impact of parties was limited by divided control of branches of government. The impact of party control was also limited because neither party had a distinctive constituency with clear and different policy goals. Over time, realignment has produced parties with very different electoral bases. Republicans now are more unified and willing to cut government while Democrats are more supportive of government programs. This chapter reviews our expectations of the impact of parties, the changes that have made party control mean more, and how these changes affect policy areas like economic policy, welfare, and health care.

Wild Bulgarian election rhetoric will abate in office

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Government Role ◽  
European Development ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time ◽  
Nationalist Parties

Subject Borisov’s third administration. Significance The government approved by parliament on May 4 is Prime Minister Boyko Borisov’s third since 2009. It is the first time his Citizens for Bulgaria’s European Development (GERB) party has joined in formal coalition with United Patriots (OB), a bloc comprising three nationalist parties. Two OB leaders, Krasimir Karakachanov and Valery Simeonov, are deputy prime ministers, but only the former combines this position with a portfolio (defence). OB’s third and most controversial leader -- Ataka party leader Volen Siderov, noted previously for rabid anti-NATO and pro-Putin statements -- has no formal government role. Impacts GERB has reaffirmed its domination of Bulgarian politics with minimal concessions to its formal coalition partners. The spectre of increased Russian influence over Bulgarian politics that worried some EU partners has seemingly dissipated. A firmer line against migration is likely as a sop to OB, but meaningful reform of the judiciary will again be strenuously avoided. Sofia’s worries about Turkey and the Western Balkans and its forthcoming EU presidency may make it more amenable to EU influence and advice.

scholarly journals Government transition in the time of the COVID-19 crisis: Slovak case

2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juraj Nemec
Keyword(s):  
Design Methodology ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Positive Finding ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
National Leader ◽  
National Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Public Leaders

PurposeMost media evaluate Slovakia as the most successful European country in the fight against the spread of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19). Such excellent results have been achieved in a really specific period – the change of the government overlapped the initial days of the outbreak of the pandemic in the country. The goal of this viewpoint paper is to investigate how individual public leaders (Prime Ministers) shaped the governance response, how these key political leaders have helped to make the transition to a new government so seamless in times of crisis.Design/methodology/approachQualitative approach is used to map the situation and to show how key political leaders shaped the governance response to the crisis. The official government COVID-19 web page and core national media were investigated to collect the necessary information for our research.FindingsThe most positive finding of this article is the fact that the departing Prime Minister Pellegrini did not decide to wait till the end of office in a passive or moderate way, but managed during last days of office of “his” government to realize a set of really comprehensive measures to prevent the spread of COVID-19 in Slovakia. Politics has been set a bit aside; coalition and opposition parties prioritized the need to fight COVID-19 instead of the need for permanent political fights.Originality/valueThe article introduces the example of the political “takeover” during the crisis, which has been realized in such positive ways, especially thanks to the fact that Pellegrini behaved as a real national leader just a few days before leaving office.

Finland: Forming and Managing Ideologically Heterogeneous Oversized Coalitions

2021 ◽  
pp. 165-205
Author(s):  
Tapio Raunio
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Control Mechanisms ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Ex Ante ◽  
The Government ◽  
Oversized Coalitions ◽  
Rules Of The Game

Examining coalition governance in Finland, this chapter argues that due to the ideological heterogeneity of Finnish cabinets, prime ministers and governments emphasize the importance of ex ante control mechanisms. Government programmes have become very detailed and there are both established written rules and informal conventions for cabinet decision-making and for solving conflicts within the government. The prime minister is strongly constrained by the types of cabinets formed in Finland. Heading oversized, ideologically heterogeneous governments, prime ministers must strike a balance between active leadership and accommodating the preferences of the coalition partners. The key to managing such broad coalitions is building and maintaining trust among the governing parties. Coalition governance in Finland is also characterized by stability: the existing practices have remained basically unaltered at least since the mid-1990s, and the rise of populism has not changed how cabinets are formed or work. Prime ministers, the coalition partners, and their parliamentary groups know and mainly respect the rules of the game, and this contributes to the survival of the broad Finnish cabinets.

Taro Kono could be Japan’s next prime minister

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Administrative Reform ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
High Profile ◽  
New Directions

Significance He has held high-profile posts since 2015, as minister for foreign affairs and then defence during Shinzo Abe's administration. He now oversees Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga’s signature ‘digitalisation’ campaign as minister for administrative reform. Last month, Suga made him ‘COVID-19 vaccine czar’, adding to his portfolio. Impacts Under Kono, the LDP would be taken in new directions after Suga’s continuity strategy. Kono is neo-liberal on social and economic policy and less of a cultural conservative than recent prime ministers. Despite his fluent English and contacts in Washington, Kono would tilt foreign policy in an Asia-centric direction.

Organization of African Unity

1968 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 1013-1024
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
African Unity ◽  
The Third ◽  
Organization Of African Unity ◽  
Republic Of The Congo ◽  
The Government ◽  
Heads Of State ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
Freedom Fighter

The third ordinary session of the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) took place in Cairo, July 13–17, 1964. The Council examined 21 applications from “freedom fighter” organizations for representation in that body. The government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville) was represented at the meeting of the Council of Ministers, but when it was announced that Moise Tshombe, the new Congolese Prime Minister, would attend the Assembly of Heads of State and Government, objections were raised by a number of Heads of State and Ministers. As a result Mr. Tshombe announced that the Congolese government would not take part in the Assembly.

Presidents in business. Career and destiny of democratic leaders

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fortunato Musella
Keyword(s):  
International Finance ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Careers ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Current Trends ◽  
The World ◽  
Career Model ◽  
Political Background ◽  
Heads Of Government

Deep changes regard the political careers of democratic leaders. Until recently, becoming president or prime minister was the last step before retirement or withdrawal to an undemanding seat on the back benches. On the contrary recent heads of government are enthusiastically seeking alternative ways to capitalize on their prestige and contacts portfolio, often ending up in the world of business or international finance. There are many examples of such a trend, from Blair to Mulroney, from Schröder to Barak. This article provides an empirical analysis of the phenomenon, by examining a dataset of 441 leaders in 78 different democratic countries over a period dating from 1989 to 2012. Attention will be focused on the political background of the prime ministers and presidents, how long they stay in power, the average age of heads of government, what professional pursuits they are involved in after their term in office and what career model they follow. The article concludes by proposing a post-presidential model which indicates some of the current trends and illustrates how former leaders are gaining decision-making power and visibility.

scholarly journals Presidential Partisanship in Government Formation: Do Presidents Favor Their Parties When They Appoint the Prime Minister?

2017 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 803-817 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristina Bucur ◽  
José Antonio Cheibub
Keyword(s):  
Formation Process ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Postwar Period ◽  
Government Formation ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
The Government ◽  
To Come ◽  
Main Factor

Although often conceived as nonpartisan actors, presidents wield considerable political and institutional powers in parliamentary and semipresidential democracies. Do they interfere in the government-formation process in such a way as to change the outcome that parliamentary parties would have otherwise reached? We address this issue by examining the conditions under which the parties of presidents and prime ministers are the same in parliamentary and semipresidential democracies. We use data for twenty-one countries over the postwar period and find that when presidents are directly elected and are constitutionally empowered to nominate the prime minister, the two leaders tend to come from the same party. This, however, is only true when the bargaining environment within parliament is complex, that is, when there are multiple viable governing coalitions. In this sense, the distribution of forces within parliament is still the main factor determining the identity of the prime minister, even in the presence of strong presidents.

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