scholarly journals Inter-generational housing inequalities: ‘Baby Boomers’ versus the ‘Millennials’

Urban Studies ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 210-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Hoolachan ◽  
Kim McKee
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Baby Boomers ◽  
Qualitative Data ◽  
Socioeconomic Inequalities ◽  
Housing System ◽  
Generational Conflict ◽  
Neoliberal Policies ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Uk

In contrast to the post-war period, the late 20th and early 21st centuries in the UK have been characterised by the advancement of neoliberal policies including privatisation of the housing system and employment casualisation. Consequently, there are growing socioeconomic inequalities between those born in the post-war period – the ‘Baby Boomers’ – and the younger generation – the ‘Millennials’. Such inequalities have led to narratives of inter-generational conflict with Baby Boomers framed as jeopardising the futures of Millennials. Drawing on Mannheim’s theory of social generations, the concept of generational habitus and qualitative data from 49 Baby Boomers and 62 Millennials, we unpack the ways in which inter-generational inequalities are intersubjectively understood and discussed. Our data indicate that while young people are aware of inter-generational inequalities, they do not feel resentful towards their parents’ generation for profiting at their expense. Instead, many blame the government for not representing their interests. Thus, narratives of inter-generational conflict misleadingly direct blame towards the agency of Baby Boomers rather than political structures.

Polish migration to the UK

2019 ◽  
pp. 23-44
Author(s):  
Eva A. Duda-Mikulin
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Data ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Statistical Data ◽  
Women Migrants ◽  
Net Migration ◽  
Polish Migration ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Contemporary Britain

Chapter two includes an overview of EU migration to the UK and migrants’ characteristics with the message that migration to the UK is not new. People have been migrating since forever; recently however, the issue of migration has been elevated to a key national concern in the UK and beyond. It is now one of the most contentious and divisive matters in contemporary Britain and globally. Meanwhile, the government continually fails to deliver on its promise to reduce net migration to the tens of thousands, but should it? This chapter presents and discusses most up-to-date existing statistical data in relation to EU migration to the UK and migrant characteristics. These are contrasted with new qualitative data from women migrants from Poland to the UK. This chapter provides an explanation of the current complexities related to EU nationals’ legal status in the UK. Finally, a series of interview extracts are presented to illustrate the abovementioned points.

scholarly journals Nationalism, Caste-blindness and the Continuing Problems of War-Displaced Panchamars in Post-war Jaffna Society

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-70
Author(s):  
Kalinga Tudor Silva
Keyword(s):  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Qualitative Data ◽  
State Policies ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Underlying Causes ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ethnic Biases ◽  
Post War ◽  
Caste Groups ◽  
Political Decision Making

This article tries to unpack why subaltern caste groups in Jaffna society have failed to end their displacement and move out of the IDP camps many years after the end of war between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Using both quantitative and qualitative data from the affected communities the paper argues that the interplay among ethnicity, caste and social class and ethnic-biases and caste-blindness of state policies and Sinhala and Tamil politics largely informed by rival nationalist perspectives are among the underlying causes of the prolonged IDP problem in the Jaffna Peninsula. In search of  an appropriate solution to the intractable IDP problem in post-war Sri Lanka, the paper calls for increased participation of subaltern caste groups in political decision making and policy dialogues, release of land in high security zones for  affected IDPs wherever possible and provision of adequate incentives for remaining IDPs to move to alternative locations arranged by the state in consultation with the IDPs and members of neighbouring communities where the IDPs cannot possibly go back to their original sites.

scholarly journals Characterising Citizenship: Race, Criminalisation and the Extension of Internal Borders

Sociology ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 652-670 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nisha Kapoor ◽  
Kasia Narkowicz
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Data ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Political Groups

Citizenship in the UK has in recent times been explicitly framed as a privilege not a right, granted selectively and withdrawn from some. There are several criteria that assist the government in distinguishing those deserving of British citizenship from those undeserving, one of the key ones being ‘character’. The ‘bad character’ criterion can apply for multiple reasons from inconsistencies in immigration paperwork to direct or indirect political associations with a range of disavowed political groups. Although not new, ‘bad character’ has become a principle reason for citizenship refusals in recent years, though has received little academic scrutiny. By bringing together quantitative and qualitative data on citizenship refusals, the article maps the scale of this measure, outlining what it means and to whom it applies. It argues that the ‘bad character’ criterion operates as a racialised exclusionary mechanism that constitutes a new set of amorphous restrictions upon the lives of non-white denizens.

The Price of Victory

2020 ◽  
pp. 29-57
Author(s):  
Stephen Wall
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Trading Bloc ◽  
Treaty Of Rome ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The Uk ◽  
European Defence Community ◽  
De Gaulle

Post-war Labour and Conservative governments saw the UK’s global interests as lying primarily with the United States and the Commonwealth. They took no part in the formation of the European Coal and Steel Community or in the proposed European Defence Community, though, when the EDC idea foundered, Prime Minister Anthony Eden played a prominent role in promoting European defence, just as Labour Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin had done in fostering the establishment of NATO. The British sent only an observer to the Messina Conference (1956) that negotiated the terms of the Treaty of Rome establishing the European Community (EEC). The UK set up its own trading bloc (EFTA) but it could not compete politically or economically with the EEC and, in 1961, the government of Prime Minister Harold Macmillan applied for EEC membership, despite the opposition of France’s President de Gaulle.

The best of leaders at the worst of times: medical scientist and war premier

2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 147-157
Author(s):  
Nicholas Coni
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Medical Profession ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Military Capability ◽  
Medical Scientist ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Uk

Professor Juan Negrín López was Prime Minister of the democratically elected left-wing government of Spain for the latter two-and-a-half years of the three-year Civil War which ravaged the country between 1936 and 1939. The side loyal to the government lost, partly because of the generous aid received by their opponents from Germany and Italy, partly because of the Anglo-French agreement, observed by most countries but ignored by Germany and Italy, to outlaw arms supplies to either side, partly because of internal dissent, and partly because of the greater military capability of the enemy. Negrín led the country with tenacity and wisdom, but is remembered with ambivalence in Spain, and hardly at all elsewhere, although he spent the years of his post-war exile in the UK and France. This paper draws attention to a member of the medical profession who achieved both academic and political distinction, but whose career ended in a disaster which he was powerless to prevent. Among his admirable qualities, he should be remembered for his courage. Like most wars, the Spanish Civil War had its share of psychopaths and villains – but also its share of heroes, and Juan Negrín belongs among their number.

scholarly journals Youth justice back at the crossroads

2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean Creaney ◽  
Roger Smith
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Young Person ◽  
Offender Rehabilitation ◽  
Youth Justice ◽  
Participatory Approaches ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Policy Practice ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to provide a reflection on the current trajectory of youth justice policy. The paper offers fresh insight into the changing face of youth justice. Design/methodology/approach – The paper draws on a range of sources, including published journal articles and statistical evidence. In so doing it critically reviews relevant academic literature. Findings – Three critical insights arise from the review. First, there are promising approaches emerging in youth justice organised around the principle of avoiding formal processing of young people where possible; such as, for example, Triage, the Youth Restorative Disposal, Youth Justice Liaison and Diversion schemes, the Swansea Bureau and the Durham Pre-Reprimand Disposal. Thus there is evidence of an emerging consensus, across the domains of policy, practice and legislation which seem to endorse the idea of community-based minimum intervention, supported by principles of offender rehabilitation and restoration. Second, whilst they have not intruded to any great extent in the sphere of youth justice so far, there is no doubt that the government is keen to extend the remit of Payment by Results schemes. Perhaps most concerning is the issue with private sector organisations engaging in “gaming activities” where maximising profit becomes the intention over enhancing the well-being of the young person. Third, it is argued that in order to reconcile the lack of user-led engagement of offenders, and experiences of disempowerment, the priority should be, throughout the Youth Justice System, to involve young people in assessment and decision-making processes. Research limitations/implications – As an exploratory paper, it does not set out to provide a blueprint on “how” the issues outlined should be resolved. Rather, it provides a basis for further discussion, and highlights some examples of promising practice, particularly around the issues of offender engagement, participation and rights compliance. This is particularly important considering that the UK government will report to the United Nations this year (2014) on its progress in implementing and complying with the children's right agenda. Practical implications – The paper highlights the issues and ambiguities facing practitioners working within a payment by results framework which is contextualised by what appears to be a more liberal tone in public policy. It also explores the challenges delivering participatory approaches. Originality/value – The paper investigates a neglected area in youth justice, namely that of participatory approaches. It argues that, although there are resource pressures and time constraints, service user participatory techniques should be encouraged, particularly as they promote positive engagement and motivation, principally by offering a sense of control over choice.

The Growth of Output and Productivity in the UK: the 1980s as a Phase of the Post-War Period

1990 ◽  
Vol 133 ◽  
pp. 78-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Feinstein ◽  
Robin Matthews
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Economic Cycle ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Uk

The completion of Mrs Thatcher's first ten years as Prime Minister stimulated many surveys of the economic policy of the government during that time in office (for instance Layard and Nickell 1989; Bean and Symons 1989). Authors writing at that time were concerned particularly to make comparisons with the performance of the predominantly Labour governments that had been in power during the previous economic cycle, running from 1973 to 1979.

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

PERCEPTIONS OF SOUTH AFRICAN YOUTH OF LEADERSHIP DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMMES: A CASE IN THE LEPELLE-NKUMPI MUNICIPAL AREA

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 77-89
Author(s):  
Matshidiso Kanjere
Keyword(s):  
Leadership Development ◽  
Young People ◽  
South African ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
Practical Applications ◽  
South Africans ◽  
African Youth ◽  
Multiple Challenges ◽  
The Government

The South African youth faces multiple challenges that range from illiteracy, drug and alcohol abuse, crime and HIV/AIDS, to unemployment. These challenges and many other ills in society have led to interventions by government, and private and other civil societies. The government has established and initiated a number of programmes that aim at building capacity and helping the youth to cope with these multiple challenges. Some of the programmes are aimed at building leadership capacity among the impoverished youth in rural communities. A lot of money is being invested in these programmes, which are meant to develop young South Africans. However, there are some young people who do not participate in these programmes. They are also not in the formal education system, self-employed or employed elsewhere. And they are despondent. The government, private sector and non-governmental organisations are trying hard to bring these youths and others into the developmental arena, so that they can be active participants in the economy of the country in the near future. However, little research has been conducted to assess the broad impact of the various programmes in the country. The contribution that these programmes are making toward improving the livelihoods of young people has to be determined on a larger scale. Nevertheless, this article reports on an investigation that was conducted on a smaller scale, at the Lepelle-Nkumpi Local Municipality. The aim of the research was to explore the perceptions young South Africans have of the leadership development programmes that they have participated in. A mixed research approach was used to collect data and the key findings indicated that knowledge accumulated through participation in the programmes does not always translate into practical applications. However, the programmes were deemed to be valuable in instilling a positive life-view. The study recommends that support systems be established in the rural areas to assist young people with life challenges.

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