Asean and EC-1992

1990 ◽  
Vol 134 ◽  
pp. 99-109
Author(s):  
Jacques Pelkmans

ASEAN, the Association of South East Asian Nations, comprises the fastest growing countries of the world economy. Apart from including the only NIE (newly industrialising economy), not having encountered domestic political or social growth constraints—Singapore, with 11 per cent real growth in 1988, 9.2 per cent in 1989 and 10 per cent, first quarter 1990—it consists of recent record holder Thailand (with growth rates above 10 per cent for three years), Malaysia (growth in the 7 per cent—9 per cent range), Indonesia (recent growth 6–7 per cent), Philippines (oscillating growth due to internal instability) and Brunei (an oil-exporting sultanate). The ASEAN countries do not owe their growth to the integration of ASEAN countries into a free trade area, a customs union or a common market. Intra-group trade liberalisation and economic cooperation are still modest. These growth marvels owe their performance to exports, especially to the OECD countries. The quality and very high growth rates of exports were and still are fostered by foreign investment and imports of intermediate inputs from the target markets.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-127
Author(s):  
Moh Firstananto Jerusalem

Abstract In the ASEAN Economic Community blueprint 2015 the term “single market” was used as a goal of economic community. Theoretically, single market is a level of economic integration after customs union. Under that blueprint, customs union could have a chance to be established as a necessary prerequisite for single market. However, the new blueprint 2025 does not adopt single market concept anymore. Different terms have been introduced namely “integrated and cohesive economy” and “unified market”. This article aims at assessing economic integration concept adopted in the ASEAN Economic Community blueprint by utilizing content analysis. It will review the change of concept by employing economic integration theory in order to indicate the direction of economic community goal. The finding is that the change of terms reflects the change of concept. As a result, ASEAN Economic Community will have a different direction in pursuing economic integration. Therefore, under the new blueprint ASEAN will not proceed to customs union and single market. However, it will remain at free trade area level of economic integration. In addition, ASEAN will not be a close trade block but tend to be an open regionalism in relation to non-ASEAN countries or regions. Keywords: ASEAN Economic Community, Customs Union, Single Market, Economic Integration, Open Regionalism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mabutho Shangase

In light of recent developments such as the African Continental African Free Trade Area agreement (AfCFTA), incrementalist approaches to regional inte gration that focus on sub-regions seems to have been pushed to the backburner as more focus puts the entire African continent at the centre of integration processes. With all its potential, gradual macro-economic convergence has accordingly been neglected. Discussions on macro-economic convergence have on the other hand been cast over the broader sub-region such as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) where a number of indicators and targets have been identified and pursued closely. Whilst looking at Botswana as a point of departure, this paper argues that incremental macro-economic convergence is pivotal to broader regional integration and the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) provides an ideal stepping-stone. An incrementalist approach to macro-economic convergence as well as broader regional integration should begin with identifying key formal institutions that serve as custodians of macro-economic policy such as the central banks and departments of finance or treasuries. Using secondary data sources, with Botswana as a case study, this paper foregrounds macro-economic convergence, macro-economic policy making institutions, and SACU as critical building blocks for broader regional integration.


ETIKONOMI ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-138
Author(s):  
Indriyani Indriyani

ASEAN-China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) is an agreement between the members of ASEAN and China to create a free trade area by removing tariff and non-tariff barriers. This agreement begins with the signing of the agreement on November 5, 2002 in Phnom Penh. Implementation is done in phases beginning January 1, 2004. The purpose of this study determines the effect of the implementation of ACFTA on Indonesia's exports to the ASEAN countries and China. This study complements previous research regarding the ACFTA. The data used in this study are the data of Indonesian exports to ASEAN countries and China for 15 years from 2000 until 2014. The tests were conducted with a fixed effect panel data model with cross section SUR. The results of this study indicate that the ACFTA increase Indonesian exports to the ASEAN countries and China.DOI: 10.15408/etk.v15i2.3331


Author(s):  
Hendra Maujana Saragih

Abstract This paper focusing on looking at Indonesia's readiness to deal with the Era of the Economic Community in ASEAN with the urgency that Indonesia's preparations should have a systemic impact on Indonesia's economic growth. The socialization that has been carried out continues and continues to be inflated by every child of the nation so as not to lose compete and be swallowed by the existence of regional countries that really use ASEAN Economic Community as a positive and constructive economic opportunity for each ASEAN member country officially. ASEAN Economic Community is one form of Free Trade Area (FTA) and located in Southeast Asia .ASEAN Economic Community which is formed with a mission to make the economy in ASEAN to be better and able to compete with countries whose economy is more advanced than the condition of ASEAN countries currently. The realization of ASEAN Economic Community, can make ASEAN a more strategic position in the international arena. Researchers expect that with the realization of the ASEAN economic community can open the eyes of all parties, resulting in an inter-sectoral dialogue that will also complement each other among the stakeholders of the economic sector in ASEAN countries and this is very inherent formally. Keywords: Competition, Free Trade Area, Opportunity, Challenge


2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Nurul Hidayati ◽  
Dedy Almasdy ◽  
Abdi Setya Putra

Purpose: Health care equipment international trade could serve a new strategic revenue for Indonesia. Since its implementation in 2015, AFTA has been a very strategic issue in creating export opportunities for its member countries. One of the sectors that becomes a priority for ASEAN integration is in the field of medical devices which is regulated in the ASEAN Medical Device Directive (AMDD) policy. Indonesia itself has officially ratified AMDD policy since 2018, but Indonesia will have been facing the problem of quality, innovation and diversification of medical devices. This study examines the competitiveness opportunities for domestic medical devices in ASEAN Free Trade Area. Method: This study used a qualitative method where information was obtained from in-depth interviews and document review. The informants came from policy makers, implementing officers, and stakeholders. Results: Indonesia has harmonized 26 out of 31 standards mandated by AMDD. Conformity assessment bodies in Indonesia that have been certified by the National Accreditation Committee have received international recognition. Indonesia has many potential exporting innovative medical devices to ASEAN countries. Fulfillment of medical devices is carried out through compulsory licensing and parallel import mechanism.


Author(s):  
Axel Hülsemeyer

The terms “region,” “regionalism,” and “regional integration” are often used synonymously in the academe. For instance, one author refers to Pacific Asian regionalization, North American regionalism and regional integration in Europe. Some authors view “regionalism” as the analytically broader term. Since the mid-1990s, there has been a more general movement toward “economic regionalism or regional trade agreements,” building on the concept of “new regionalism” and coinciding with the notion of “preferential trading arrangements.” This implies only those integration schemes which have an economic purpose, are in geographical proximity to each other, and consist of more than two states qualify for inclusion. There are five stages in the deepening of formal regional integration: free trade area, customs union, common market, economic union, and political union. From the late-1950s to the late 1990s, two approaches have attempted to explain the process (rather than the origins) of regionalism: neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism. Scholars argue whether there is a causal connection between regional integration and Global Political Economy (GPE), or whether they are simply correlated. Three themes from the literature on regionalism and GPE can be identified. First, the numerous studies since the late 1990s that have taken a decidedly comparative approach, irrespective of their level of analysis, agree that there is some “logic” to regional arrangements. Second, confusion occurs with domestic causality. Third, large membership has become a concern for the European Union.


Subject ASEAN core countries and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. Significance The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) plans to begin lending in early 2016. Three ASEAN countries -- Malaysia, Thailand and the Philippines -- have not signed the bank's articles of agreement, despite their infrastructure development needs. These needs will grow as ASEAN integrates, for instance via the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) free trade area from end-2015. Impacts Should Manila reject the AIIB, this will create an opening for further Japanese support of Philippines infrastructure. Early credibility among lenders could lead to the AIIB's rapid expansion in Asia. Until then, established development lenders will dominate -- the AIIB is untested.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-98
Author(s):  
Ghazala Begum Essop

The role of regional economic communities in the development of trade in Africa is widely recognised. Currently, intra-African trade stands at 10 per cent. This is in sharp contrast to other developing regions of the world. In Asia and Latin America, the levels of intra-trade are 50 and 26 per cent, respectively. There are a number of reasons accounting for the low level of intra-African trade, including the weak mandate given to regional economic communities to monitor and enforce the commitments assumed by countries under regional trade agreements. The lack of integration has negatively impacted on African countries and affected their ability to attract foreign direct investment commensurate with their development needs. Had African countries been less exposed to external markets, they would have been minimally affected by the global financial crisis. The importance of boosting intra-African trade was highlighted by Africa’s Heads of State and Government when they devoted this year’s summit to this theme. In the run-up to the summit, the African Union Commission released a study that underscored the importance of regional economic communities in the process of economic integration in Africa. Currently, SADC member states are in the process of implementing the SADC Trade Protocol, which would create a fully-fledged free trade area and later a customs union, and at the same time engaged in tripartite negotiations aimed at merging the three (SADC, COMESA and the EAC) regional configurations. They are also engaged in the EPA negotiations with the European Union, which would create a free trade area and also the Doha negotiations under the auspices of the WTO. The main objective of this article is to estimate SADC countries’ bilateral trade potential, which may result in the improvements in trade facilitation.


Author(s):  
Fernando Guirao

The 1970 Agreement was intended to regulate trade relations between the Six and Spain for six years. At the end of 1972, however, Chapter 8 shows, for the Six/Nine the question was no longer that of negotiating additional concessions for Spanish exports but of the inclusion of Spain into the pan-European Free-Trade Area, to begin by 1977. In the summer of 1975, the Spanish Council of Ministers, under the influence of the minister of commerce, refused to ratify the FTA with the EEC. The Spanish government wished to avoid a transformation into a customs union or inclusion in an FTA in which Spanish producers would face mounting competition by West-European producers. The 1970 Agreement remained in force until Spain became a full member of the three European Communities, on 1 January 1986, transforming it into a sort of pre-accession arrangement for which it was not prepared.


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