scholarly journals Urban crisis: ‘Limits to governance of alienation’

Urban Studies ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 54 (9) ◽  
pp. 2056-2071 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mustafa Kemal Bayırbağ ◽  
Mehmet Penpecioğlu

This article aims to develop a comparative framework of analysis to study urban crises, arguing that there is a need to establish the analytical links between ‘everyday life and systemic trends and struggles’, and thus to tie together the insights produced by ‘particularistic accounts’. It examines urban crises as political phenomena and brings the Marxist notion of ‘alienation’ to the centre of attention. We argue that ‘alienation’ – as a universal mechanism facilitating capital accumulation process via dispossession, and as negative mental/emotional implications of dispossession, is useful to establish those analytical links. We identify two domains, urban economic structure and urban political system, where alienation is contained. Public authorities deploy various containment strategies in these domains to govern alienation, and urban crises occur when these strategies fail. The post-2008 wave of urban upheavals could be explained by the failure of roll-out neoliberal strategies, which constitute the basis of our comparative framework.

Author(s):  
Özgür Erden

This article embarks on making a political analysis of Islamist politics by criticizing the hegemonic approach in the field and considering a number of the institutions or structures, composing of either state and its ideological-repressive apparatuses, political parties and actors, intellectual leadership and ideology, and political relations, events, or facts in political sphere. The aforesaid approach declares that the social and economic factors, namely class position, capital accumulation, market, education, and culture, have been far better significative for a political study in examining any political movement, party, and fact or event. However, our study will more stress on political structures, events and struggles or conflicts produced and reproduced by the political institutions, the relationships and the processes in question. Taking into account all these, it will be argued that they have been more significant as compared to class position, capital accumulation, market in economic structure, or culture and education, in a political study.


Author(s):  
George J. Borjas ◽  
Barry R. Chiswick

Assuming that ethnicity acts as an externality in the human capital accumulation process, this chapter analyzes the extent to which ethnic skill differentials are transmitted across generations. The skills of the next generation depend on parental inputs and on the quality of the ethnic environment in which parents make their investments, or “ethnic capital.” The empirical evidence reveals that the skills of today's generation depend not only on the skills of their parents, but also on the average skills of the ethnic group in the parents’ generation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 164-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tianshu Li ◽  
Sheetal Sekhri

Abstract Many developing countries use employment guarantee programs to combat poverty. This study examines the consequences of such employment guarantee programs for the human capital accumulation of children. It exploits the phased roll-out of India’s flagship Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGA) to study the effects on enrollment in schools and child labor. Introduction of MGNREGA results in lower relative school enrollment in treated districts. It also finds that the drop in enrollment is driven by primary school children. Children in higher grades are just as likely to attend school under MGNREGA, but their school performance deteriorates. Using nationally representative employment data, the study finds evidence indicating an increase in child labor highlighting the unintentional perverse effects of the employment guarantee schemes for human capital.


Urban Studies ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 54 (9) ◽  
pp. 2072-2086 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marlon Barbehön ◽  
Sybille Münch

There is a long tradition of debate about the crisis of cities or the crisis of local government in public, political and scholarly circles. The diagnosis of ‘the urban crisis’ often implies a homogeneous phenomenon with each city facing similar and unambiguous problems. However, we know little about local practices in constructing a city’s crisis. Taking discourse analysis as a starting point, we propose an interpretive and comparative framework that investigates how ‘the urban crisis’ and ‘the city’ emerge interdependently with specific meanings in different socio-spatial contexts. By comparing the discourses of Frankfurt, Dortmund, Birmingham and Glasgow, we illustrate how in each city the meaning of crisis is constructed differently and how these constructions constitute the collective understanding of the particularities of these cities.


1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Cleary

The theoretical interpretation of social and economic change in the Brazilian Amazon has been dominated by a political economy in which the notion of the frontier, variously defined, has been central. Brazil is of course not the only country where a fuzzily defined idea of frontier development has been important, and we can think, as Turner did for the United States, of a Brazilian frontier thesis. It can be boiled down to a simple contention, although the arguments are often complicated: the frontier, now restricted to Amazonia, is the absorption of peripheral regions by an expanding capitalism. This perspective, fundamental to numerous studies of Amazonia, sees a tendency towards homogeneity in economic structure and social relations in the cycle of frontier development, with capitalism ending up as the dominant force. It regards the key subjects in the dynamic of the frontier as the peasantry, who are acted upon by the bourgeoisie and the state, and argues that the dynamic of events within the frontier is determined outside it, in the forms of capital accumulation in the national economy and the way regional economies are articulated to it. Although first formulated in the 1970s, it remains overwhelmingly the most influential theoretical approach to explaining Amazonia's modern history, irrespective, one is sometimes tempted to think, of the direction that history has actually taken.


Author(s):  
Anna A. Nikitina

The study is devoted to the analysis of Russian historiography of the problems of the formation and development of local self-government in Russia from the late 1980s to the early 2000s. The relevance of the study lies in the increasing role of local government in solving key issues of socio-economic development of the country and its regions at the present stage. We note the position of local self-government at the junction of many areas of scientific knowledge, it is determined that the research of problems of local self-government is often interdisciplinary in nature. The decisive significance of the changes that took place in the political system of Russia, which set the methodological and ideological foundations for scientific research from the late 1980s to the early 2000s, is revealed. As a result of the use of historical-comparative and retrospective research methods in the work, it is possible to establish the main stages in the development of the historiography of local self-government in the period under study, to determine the key problems solved at each of these stages, to identify and interpret the opinion of scientists from various fields of science regarding the problem under study. As the analysis of the historiography of local self-government has shown, despite the incompleteness of the source base in the late 1980s and early 2000s, it was during this period that fundamental works on local self-government were created, which laid the foundation for subsequent scientific research. We draw conclusions about the need for further study of historiography with the expansion of the range of sources, which will highlight the most promising directions for the development of local self-government and, possibly, will be of practical interest for modern public authorities.


Author(s):  
P. Cherkasov

The article analyzes IMEMO activities in 1992–1993, when in Russia, under the influence of both radical economic reforms and drastic weakening of the central government, a deep political crisis emerged and gained a dangerous traction, fraught with the death of a young democracy and even the collapse of the state. Under these conditions, along with economic issues, the politological research came to the fore in IMEMO – the analysis of the country's new political system, the definition of its development vector. The Center of Socio-economic and Socio-political Research of IMEMO headed by German Germanovich Diligenskii played the major role in this work. Analysts of the Center prepared a number of recommendations for public authorities concerning the creation and development of a new democratic political system in Russia. IMEMO experts paid the utmost attention to the nature of the political crisis that arose in the post-Soviet Russia in late 1991, and the ways to overcome it. In January 1993, the results of the study were presented to the discussion at the Academic Council. It was agreed that one of the main causes of the political crisis in the country was the social tensions worsening, as a consequence of the “shocking therapy” conducted by the government of Gaidar in 1992. In the discussion on the political outlook German Diligenskii, rejecting the possibility of the old command-administrative system restoration, substantiated a probability of transformation of the "market democracy" not yet established in Russia into the "authoritarian monopoly or monopoly-bureaucratic system". Noting the disunity of democratic forces, weakness of the entrepreneurial class, largely dependent on the state, Diligenskii formulated a program for uniting all adherents of “arket democracy” under the slogan of "social liberalism", which would take into account Russian specifics. Consolidation of democracy and market economy in Russia is impossible without preservation of the state territorial integrity and consolidation of the central government, with a clear division of functions and powers of its constituent branches. Monopolization (usurpation) of all power by one of the branches – legislative or executive – should not be allowed. The victory of any of them in any case would mean the defeat of democracy. Such was, in general terms, the position of IMEMO in the face of the 1992–1993 political crisis. Acknowledgement. The publication was prepared as part of the President of Russian Federation grant to support the leading scientifi c schools NSh-6452.2014.6.


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