Save the Bureaucrats (While Reinventing Them)

1997 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Barnhart

This article argues that each and every federal agency serves one customer — the American public— and that agencies learn about that customer from the top down, through the political process and the laws and regulations emulating from that process. For this reason, the bureaucracy is an essential ingredient in the management of federal agencies. The National Performance Review's assertion that bureaucrats are unnecessary and get in the way of line managers and employees misses the mark. Bureaucrats are at the very core of government. Properly conceived, they are the public's customer representatives, working to make sure agencies are managed in accordance with the public interest. Reinventing the bureaucracy may be a good idea, but eliminating it or weakening could be a terrible idea, making agencies even less responsive to the public's needs. Some key suggestions for how the bureaucracy can be improved are offered including: constantly improve the bureaucracy's rules, flatten the organizational structure, build partnerships with others outside the bureaucracy, use expert systems, and reengineer rule-based processes. Professionals in the federal bureaucracy — including human resource management professionals — are currently being challenged to demonstrate why they are needed. This article provides a clear, logical argument supporting the importance of the bureaucracy.

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 237802311668979 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph DiGrazia

Scholars have recently become increasingly interested in understanding the prevalence and persistence of conspiratorial beliefs among the public as recent research has shown such beliefs to be both widespread and to have deleterious effects on the political process. This article seeks to develop a sociological understanding of the structural conditions that are associated with conspiratorial belief. Using aggregate Google search data to measure public interest in two popular political conspiracy theories, the findings indicate that social conditions associated with threat and insecurity, including unemployment, changes in partisan control of government, and demographic changes, are associated with increased conspiratorial ideation.


1988 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 27-40
Author(s):  
Donald E. Whistler ◽  
Charles DeWitt Dunn

In a democracy, the public interest requires open access and communication between citizens and legislators. Indeed, given that politics consists of authoritatively allocating values, no subset of which can make a universally accepted claim to be the truth, the political process which provides the widest practicable access and communication of different interests is most appropriate (Dahl, 1970; Lindsay, 1962; Pennock, 1979; Plamenatz, 1973; Thorson, 1962: 128-149).


Author(s):  
Aline Boschi Moreira ◽  
Joana De Souza Sierra

PROPAGANDA ELEITORAL NEGATIVA NAS ELEIÇÕES: LIMITAÇÕES À LIBERDADE DE EXPRESSÃO DOS CANDIDATOS E DOS ELEITORES NEGATIVE ELECTORAL PROPAGANDA: LIMITATIONS TO THE CANDIDATES’ AND THE VOTERS’ FREEDOM OF SPEECH RESUMO: O artigo visa a explorar os limites impostos pela liberdade de comunicação e de expressão à propaganda eleitoral negativa. A relevância do tema reside na constatação de que, na atualidade, estão disponíveis diversos meios para divulgação ampla das críticas aos candidatos que, feita corretamente, pode ser salutar, mas, sem limites, é contrária ao objetivo da proteção da livre manifestação. Ao longo do texto, explicam-se brevemente as formas de propaganda política, dentre elas a propaganda eleitoral, pincelando sobre as vedações infraconstitucionais ao conteúdo das manifestações públicas de opinião sobre candidatos em época de processo eleitoral. Em seguida, tratam-se a abrangência da liberdade de expressão como direito fundamental e a importância de se observar o interesse público como garantia da democracia. Por fim, estuda-se a jurisprudência correlata, para se concluir sobre os contornos aceitos da propaganda eleitoral negativa. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Propaganda Eleitoral Negativa; Eleições; Candidatos; Liberdade de Expressão. ABSTRACT: This article aims to highlight the limits imposed by the freedom of communication and speech to negative electoral propaganda. The relevance of the discussion lies on the understanding that in these days there are numerous means of communication available to wide disseminate criticisms to candidates, what, when done properly, can be salutary to the political process; however, when unlimited, it becomes contrary to the objective of protection of freedom of speech. The different forms of political propaganda are briefly explained throughout the study, among which the electoral propaganda, with a glimpse on the infra-constitutional barriers to the content of public manifestations of opinion about candidates in the electoral year. Then, the extent of the freedom of speech as a fundamental right is dealt with, as well as the relevance of observing the public interest as a safeguard of democracy. Finally, the respective case law is studied, to conclude about the accepted contours of negative electoral propaganda. KEYWORDS: Negative Electoral Propaganda; Elections; Candidates; Freedom of Speech.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.


Author(s):  
TT Arvind

This chapter examines how English law deals with contracts against the public interest under the doctrine of illegality. The doctrine of illegality reflects a broader principle that applies across private law, that legal actions cannot be founded on illegal acts. In contract law, its implication is that contracts contrary to law or public policy are void. The chapter first considers the problem of illegal behaviour in contracting before discussing the rule-based approach to illegality and its limits. It then reviews the Supreme Court decision in Patel v Mirza and how it gave rise to the ‘range of factors’ approach to illegality. It also looks at criteria that make a contract illegal, including cases where the illegality consisted of criminal and civil wrongs. The chapter concludes with an overview of other types of illegality, such as the ‘injurious to good government’ ground and restraint of trade.


Contract Law ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 404-426
Author(s):  
TT Arvind

This chapter examines how English law deals with contracts against the public interest under the doctrine of illegality. The doctrine of illegality reflects a broader principle that applies across private law, that legal actions cannot be founded on illegal acts. In contract law, its implication is that contracts contrary to law or public policy are void. The chapter first considers the problem of illegal behaviour in contracting before discussing the rule-based approach to illegality and its limits. It then reviews the Supreme Court decision in Patel v Mirza and how it gave rise to the ‘range of factors’ approach to illegality. It also looks at criteria that make a contract illegal, including cases where the illegality consisted of criminal and civil wrongs. The chapter concludes with an overview of other types of illegality, such as the ‘injurious to good government’ ground and restraint of trade.


Journalism ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Hutchby

This article discusses elements of hybridisation in political interviewing within the contemporary environment of broadcast news. Beginning from a conversation analytic perspective, four types of political interview programmes are described in terms of their different approaches to questions and answers; opinions and arguments; and neutrality, agency and advocacy. The analysis then turns to the different ways in which ‘tribuneship’ is manifested in different types of interview, comparing the representation of the public interest as found in both neutralistic and adversarial interviewing with the type of personalised and ‘non-neutral’ tribuneship found in hybrid political interviews.


2008 ◽  
Vol 53 (No. 1) ◽  
pp. 21-29
Author(s):  
J. Cmejrek

The Velvet Revolution in November 1989 in the former Czechoslovakia opened the way to the renewal of the democratic political system. One of the most visible aspects of the Czech political development consisted in the renewal of the essential functions of elections and political parties. On the local level, however, the political process - as well as in other post-communist countries - continued to be for a long time influenced by the remains of the former centralized system wherein the local administration used to be subjected to the central state power. Municipal elections took hold in these countries, however, the local government remained in the embryonic state and a certain absence of real political and economic decision-making mechanism on the local level continued to show. The public administration in the Czech Republic had to deal with the changes in the administrative division of the state, the split of the Czechoslovak federation as well as the fragmentation of municipalities whose number increased by 50 percent. Decision making mechanisms on the local and regional level were suffering from the incomplete territorial hierarchy of public administration and from the unclear division of power between the state administration and local administration bodies. Only at the end of the 1990s, the public administration in the Czech Republic started to get a more integrated and specific shape. Citizens participation in the political process represents one of the key issues of representative democracy. The contemporary democracy has to face the decrease in voter turnout and the low interest of citizens to assume responsibility within the political process. The spread of democratising process following the fall of the iron curtain should not overshadow the risk of internal weakness of democracy. The solution should be looked for in more responsible citizenship and citizens’ political participation. The degree of political participation is considered (together with political pluralism) to be the key element of representative democracy in general terms, as well as of democratic process on the local and regional level. The objective of this paper is to describe the specifics of citizens local political participation in the Czech Republic and to show the differences between rural and urban areas. The paper concentrates on voting and voter turnout but deals also with other forms of citizens political participation.


1971 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas Rae ◽  
Michael Taylor

Contemporary political science is rightly concerned with the complex relationship between the political process and the public policies in which it results. In understanding this relationship, it may be useful to distinguish two complementary aspects of the political process: (1) those which are relevant because they account for the policy preferences of elite-members and, (2) those elements, like voting and bargaining, which are of interest because they determine policy outcomes from given configurations of elite preferences. This paper offers a theoretical model for an important component of this second aspect: it is explicitly addressed to legislative voting processes and the underlying strategies of legislators as these contribute to the determination of policy outcomes. And, for the present, we take preference-formation as given.


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