scholarly journals Minister-Permanent Secretary Relationships: Lessons from Zimbabwe’s Government of national Unity

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.

2008 ◽  
Vol 53 (No. 1) ◽  
pp. 21-29
Author(s):  
J. Cmejrek

The Velvet Revolution in November 1989 in the former Czechoslovakia opened the way to the renewal of the democratic political system. One of the most visible aspects of the Czech political development consisted in the renewal of the essential functions of elections and political parties. On the local level, however, the political process - as well as in other post-communist countries - continued to be for a long time influenced by the remains of the former centralized system wherein the local administration used to be subjected to the central state power. Municipal elections took hold in these countries, however, the local government remained in the embryonic state and a certain absence of real political and economic decision-making mechanism on the local level continued to show. The public administration in the Czech Republic had to deal with the changes in the administrative division of the state, the split of the Czechoslovak federation as well as the fragmentation of municipalities whose number increased by 50 percent. Decision making mechanisms on the local and regional level were suffering from the incomplete territorial hierarchy of public administration and from the unclear division of power between the state administration and local administration bodies. Only at the end of the 1990s, the public administration in the Czech Republic started to get a more integrated and specific shape. Citizens participation in the political process represents one of the key issues of representative democracy. The contemporary democracy has to face the decrease in voter turnout and the low interest of citizens to assume responsibility within the political process. The spread of democratising process following the fall of the iron curtain should not overshadow the risk of internal weakness of democracy. The solution should be looked for in more responsible citizenship and citizens’ political participation. The degree of political participation is considered (together with political pluralism) to be the key element of representative democracy in general terms, as well as of democratic process on the local and regional level. The objective of this paper is to describe the specifics of citizens local political participation in the Czech Republic and to show the differences between rural and urban areas. The paper concentrates on voting and voter turnout but deals also with other forms of citizens political participation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-165
Author(s):  
Ryszard Szynowski

In one of the many definitions of public administration it was stated that it is the fulfillment of individual and collective needs of citizens, resulting from the co-existence of people in society, realized by the state and its dependent organs. One of the needs of an individual is the need for safety. Ensuring the safety of citizens is realized by the public administration, due to its service to the society as an executive apparatus possessing a democratic mandate of political power, in service of the law created by said organs. A particular role in the area of defense belongs to authoritative administration, which performs tasks including reversing risks and removing dangers, including the realization of tasks and undertakings aimed at military preparation in case of war. The aim of the following article is to present the tasks and competences in the area of protecting the President, the government, government administration officials on duty and local self-administration of the Slovak Republic. Various methods have been used to reach the pre-determined goal, primarily the method of document investigation, which made it possible to gather, sort, describe and scientifically interpret the legal acts of the Slovak Republic regarding defensive matters.


2005 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 463-474 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malek Shah Bin Mohd. Yusoff

Current environmental demands require public sector organizations to respond effectively and efficiently to the needs of the people and the nation. Given the bureaucratic nature of public sector organizations, where change and responsiveness are difficult to achieve, this paper highlights some of the issues that need attention to transform public sector organizations into learning organizations. It also examines some of the initiatives taken by Malaysia in general and INTAN (the National Institute of Public Administration) in particular to help enhance learning in the public sector so that the various components of the government machinery can work together across organizational boundaries for a common purpose, responding effectively to challenges, as well as delivering integrated and customer-centric services.


Author(s):  
Oksana Polna

The article focuses on the formulation of an urgent comprehensive scientific thought on the anti-corruption value of the administrative and legal restriction of the closely affiliated persons’ collaboration in the justice system of Ukraine. It is a justified restriction of the citizens’ rights to access professional public service in the justice system, provided by national administrative legislation, to continue public service and to exercise a career in this system, by preventing the conclusion of a service contract, blocking the promotion of persons, if this predetermines about direct subordination to a closely affiliated person; termination of official legal relations with persons who are in a relationship of direct subordination to a closely affiliated person. It is noted that the general anti-corruption essence of the restriction under consideration is manifested in the fact that this restriction appears as a «personnel barrier» for increasing corruption risks in the justice system due to the implementation of personnel policy, as well as a “personnel instrument” for correcting situations when a violation of the corresponding restrictions takes place. Considering the concept and essence of limiting the collaboration of closely affiliated persons in the justice system, the author proves that the anti-corruption value of such a limitation is that it: while restricting the joint work of closely affiliated persons in the justice system, makes it impossible for nepotism as a separate manifestation of corruption to arise in this system; is a real barrier that reduces the dynamics of the spread of corruption and limits its scale (primarily, in the form of nepotism) in the system of public administration subjects in Ukraine in general and in the justice system in particular; contributes to increasing the authority of judges, professional public service in general and the level of respect and trust of society in the judiciary, the state, as well as reducing legal nihilism in society; maximizes positive incentives for lawful behavior of citizens in general and professional public servants in the justice system, in particular; is the actual result of a public demand for a decrease in the level of tolerance to corruption in the public administration system in general and in justice system, in particular. In the conclusions to the article, it is noted that non-compliance with the administrative and legal restrictions on the collaboration of closely affiliated persons in the justice system creates a situation in which the public service bodies in this system are filled with close persons, who may enter into a corruption conspiracy to use the common good and public interest in their own (personal) interests, which is unacceptable because it distorts the purpose of the existence of the state in general and the judicial power, in particular. Keywords: administrative and legal restrictions, anti-corruption value, corruption in the justice system, joint work of closely affiliated persons, justice system, personnel barrier, personnel tool.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-53
Author(s):  
Aid Mršić ◽  
◽  
Larisa Softić-Gasal ◽  

The public service, which should be the guardian of the identity of national minorities, fell under the political pressure. In this way, it came out of the scope of its actions. Leading people in independent media believe that the role of the public service is crucial in protecting national minorities.But the media can not do it alone. First of all, the state must regulate, and respect what it has brought. With strong strategies and the inclusion of national minorities in all social trends, it is possible to achieve, not fully, but partially, the equality of all those who liveon the territory of BiH.On the other hand, the public service must respect what the state says. The Communications Regulatory Agency is obliged to impose rules in an adequate manner and at the same time to monitor how much the media (public service) meets its obligations.


Author(s):  
Aleksandr Solov'ev ◽  
Galina Pushkareva

As digital technologies develop, a new form of relations between the state and the public is developing as well. Additional opportunities for the expression of public interests and the establishment of values preferred by the society arise, new mechanisms of political mobilization develop, new forms of public organization and self-organization emerge, the social media gain more power, and local and general public narrative develop on a number of online platforms. With the digitization of the public space, the state is forced to change its communication strategies and improve the dialogue between the government and the society based on deliberative democracy principles. After analysing the architecture of public communication emerging in new conditions the paper concludes that Russia is making certain efforts to adapt for the new digitized reality. However, current state priorities are shifting towards e-government and the digital economy. On the one hand, it seems justified, as it allows to bring the public services to a completely new level, reduce corruption risks, and simplify state management of economic processes. On the other hand, the lack of due attention to the issues of openness of public administration and involvement of citizens in making public decisions results in accumulation of contradictions in the public area of public administration, as well as increasing mutual misunderstanding and distrust between the state bodies and the civil society, which may entail bursts of social discontent and protests.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-111
Author(s):  
Julizar Idris ◽  
Abdul Hakim ◽  
Sarwono Sarwono ◽  
Bambang Santoso Haryono

Abstract Public policy formulation as a political process is a dynamic formulation of policies involving many actors, ranging from the executive, legislative, academic, to non-governmental organizations. The purpose of this study was to find out the political process of drafting the Oil and Gas Law and determine the model for the formulation of the Oil and Gas Law in the Republic of Indonesia’s House of Representatives. This research method uses a qualitative approach, through observation, in-interview techniques and documentation of secondary data in the process of collecting data. Data analysis using the Interactive Model method by Miles & Huberman's. The results of the study indicate that the political process of drafting the Constitution of Oil and Gas takes place in the following stages: planning, drafting and discussion. Politically, the planning of the Constitution of Oil and Gas comes from several sources: (1) the bill from the President; (2) the bill from the House of Representatives; and (3) the bill from the Regional Representative Council. The long political process in the public policy formulation in the House of Representatives starts from the process of inventorying input from factions, commissions, and the public to be determined as a Legislative Body decision, then the decision is to be consulted with the Government; afterwards, the results of the consultation are reported to the Plenary Session to make the decision.


2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mamello Rakolobe

Countries across the world are faced with high levels of corruption. In an effort to combat the threat, governments have declared war on corruption and have consequently put in place some anti-corruption institutions. The causes of corruption are numerous and the consequences are devastating for the social, political and economic development of nations. The perpetrators of corruption are in most cases the public servants as they are charged with the day-to-day administration of the government. This means that the caliber of public servants; which is determined by their recruitment inter alia will influence their practices and conduct. Lesotho has adopted a Westminster model of public administration in which recruitment to the public service is supposed to be merit-based. However, the recruitment of top officers such as Principal Secretaries is politically motivated and this has consequently resulted into a highly politicised public service; literature points that there is a relationship between politicisation of the public service and corruption. In this paper, I scrutinize and explain the effect of a politicised public service on the high magnitude of corruption in Lesotho. This study is based on secondary data such as official government reports, newspapers and research reports. I argue that the highly politicised public service in Lesotho contributes to the corruptionscourge that is besieging the country. I therefore recommend administrative reforms in view of depoliticizing the public service by removing the authority to appoint, promote and dismiss high-ranking public officers from the Prime Minister to a special Parliamentary committee that is inclusive of members from the ruling and opposition parties.


2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Greener

‘Choice’ and ‘voice’ are two of the most significant means through which the public are able to participate in public services. Choice agendas position public service users as consumers, driving improvements by choosing good providers over bad, which then thrive through greater allocations of funds as money follows their selections (Le Grand, 2007). Choice-driven reforms tend to be about trying to make public services more locally responsive (Ferlie, Freeman, McDonnell, Petsoulas and Rundle-Smith, 2006). Voice-driven reforms, on the other hand, tend to position public service users as citizens, suggesting an emphasis on accountability mechanisms to drive service improvements through elections, with the possible removal of low regarded officials, or a greater involvement of local people in the running of services (Jenkins, 2006). Voice implies that citizens hold the right to participate in public services either through the political process, or through their direct involvement in the running or delivery of the services themselves. Of course, it is also possible to combine choice and voice mechanisms to try and achieve greater service responsiveness and accountability. In this review, choice reforms will be treated as those which are based upon consumer literature, and voice reforms those based upon attempting to achieve greater citizenship.Citizenship and consumption are two areas with significant literatures in their own right, but whereas the citizenship literature is widely cited in the social policy literature, the consumption literature appears rather more selectively. This review examines each area in turn in terms of its application to social policy, and then presents a synthesis of commonalties in the two literatures, which represent particularly promising avenues for exploring the relationship between public services and their users.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-51
Author(s):  
Alexander P. Lednev

The present article examines interaction between public administration bodies of Nizhny Novgorod Fair and the state authorities in solving customs policy issues in the post-reform period of the 19th century It was the public administration bodies, whose functions included planning measures to improve the quality of trade and petitioning the government about the needs of domestic industry and trade, that influenced implementation of domestic and foreign state policy. The fair public administration, taking into account the importance that the Nizhny Novgorod Fair had in domestic and foreign trade, was the center of unification of all Russian merchants. Since the mid-1880s, public administration bodies, in particular the fair committee, formed in 1864, whose powers gradually grew, began to exercise representative functions on the issues of domestic trade and industry development. In particular, with direct involvement of the public fair management bodies in the 1880s, a large range of issues was discussed; these issues related to: the transit of foreign goods through the Transcaucasian Territory, which existed for several decades and caused significant damage to the production of Russian manufactory; sales markets in the Central Asia, Persia and the Far East; transformations of the entire customs system in Russia and changes in existing customs tariffs with the direct participation of the commercial and industrial estate representatives. As a result, a number of measures in the state customs policy carried out by the state authorities ultimately contributed to the development, expansion and strengthening the positions of domestic industrial production and trade. Public administration bodies, including the fair committee, became especially active in the 1890s. It is during this period that the authority of the fair management increases. And the fair committee itself began to express the interests of the commercial and industrial estate of whole Russia.


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