When race trumps political ideology: Black teachers who advocate for social responsibility are penalized by both liberals and conservatives

2021 ◽  
pp. 014616722199402
Author(s):  
Grace N. Rivera ◽  
Phia S. Salter ◽  
Matt Friedman ◽  
Jaren Crist ◽  
Rebecca J. Schlegel

Meritocracy is a prominent narrative embedded in America’s educational system: work hard and anyone can achieve success. Yet, racial disparities in education suggest this narrative does not tell the full story. Four studies ( N = 1,439) examined how applicants for a teaching position are evaluated when they invoke different narratives regarding who or what is to blame for racial disparities (i.e., individuals vs. systems). We hypothesized these evaluations would differ depending on teacher race (Black/White) and evaluator political orientation. Results revealed conservatives evaluated Black and White applicants advocating for personal responsibility more favorably than applicants advocating for social responsibility. Liberals preferred social responsibility applicants, but only when they were White. They were more ambivalent in their evaluations and hiring decisions if the applicants were Black. Our findings suggest that Black applicants advocating for social change are penalized by both liberal and conservative evaluators.

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gloria Traina ◽  
Pål E Martinussen ◽  
Eli Feiring

Abstract Lifestyle-induced diseases are becoming a burden on healthcare, actualizing the discussion on health responsibilities. Using data from the National Association for Heart and Lung Diseases (LHL)’s 2015 Health Survey (N = 2689), this study examined the public’s attitudes towards personal and social health responsibility in a Norwegian population. The questionnaires covered self-reported health and lifestyle, attitudes towards personal responsibility and the authorities’ responsibility for promoting health, resource-prioritisation and socio-demographic characteristics. Block-wise multiple linear regression assessed the association between attitudes towards health responsibilities and individual lifestyle, political orientation and health condition. We found a moderate support for social responsibility across political views. Respondents reporting unhealthier eating habits, smokers and physically inactive were less supportive of health promotion policies (including information, health incentives, prevention and regulations). The idea that individuals are responsible for taking care of their health was widely accepted as an abstract ideal. Yet, only a third of the respondents agreed with introducing higher co-payments for treatment of ‘self-inflicted’ conditions and levels of support were patterned by health-related behaviour and left-right political orientation. Our study suggests that a significant support for social responsibility does not exclude a strong support for personal health responsibility. However, conditional access to healthcare based on personal lifestyle is still controversial.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 146 (Supplement 4) ◽  
pp. S330.2-S331
Author(s):  
Timothy Chow ◽  
Jeffrey Chambliss

2021 ◽  
pp. 136843022097829
Author(s):  
Rosemary L. Al-Kire ◽  
Michael H. Pasek ◽  
Jo-Ann Tsang ◽  
Joseph Leman ◽  
Wade C. Rowatt

Attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policies are divisive issues in American politics. These attitudes are influenced by factors such as political orientation and religiousness, with religious and conservative individuals demonstrating higher prejudice toward immigrants and refugees, and endorsing stricter immigration policies. Christian nationalism, an ideology marked by the belief that America is a Christian nation, may help explain how religious nationalist identity influences negative attitudes toward immigrants. The current research addresses this through four studies among participants in the US. Across studies, our results showed that Christian nationalism was a significant and consistent predictor of anti-immigrant stereotypes, prejudice, dehumanization, and support for anti-immigrant policies. These effects were robust to inclusion of other sources of anti-immigrant attitudes, including religious fundamentalism, nationalism, and political ideology. Further, perceived threats from immigrants mediated the relationship between Christian nationalism and dehumanization of immigrants, and attitudes toward immigration policies. These findings have implications for our understanding of the relations between religious nationalism and attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy in the US, as well as in other contexts.


2019 ◽  
Vol 84 (6) ◽  
pp. 983-1012 ◽  
Author(s):  
David S. Pedulla ◽  
Devah Pager

Racial disparities persist throughout the employment process, with African Americans experiencing significant barriers compared to whites. This article advances the understanding of racial labor market stratification by bringing new theoretical insights and original data to bear on the ways social networks shape racial disparities in employment opportunities. We develop and articulate two pathways through which networks may perpetuate racial inequality in the labor market: network access and network returns. In the first case, African American job seekers may receive fewer job leads through their social networks than white job seekers, limiting their access to employment opportunities. In the second case, black and white job seekers may utilize their social networks at similar rates, but their networks may differ in effectiveness. Our data, with detailed information about both job applications and job offers, provide the unique ability to adjudicate between these processes. We find evidence that black and white job seekers utilize their networks at similar rates, but network-based methods are less likely to lead to job offers for African Americans. We then theoretically develop and empirically test two mechanisms that may explain these differential returns: network placement and network mobilization. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for scholarship on racial stratification and social networks in the job search process.


2018 ◽  
Vol 192 ◽  
pp. 371-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie R. Gaither ◽  
Kirsha Gordon ◽  
Stephen Crystal ◽  
E. Jennifer Edelman ◽  
Robert D. Kerns ◽  
...  

Circulation ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 129 (suppl_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuan Lu ◽  
Kaveh Hajifathalian ◽  
Majid Ezzati ◽  
Eric Rimm ◽  
Goodarz Danaei

Introduction: Health disparities remain pervasive in US and eliminating such disparities is one of the overarching goals of the Healthy People 2020 agenda. Previous studies have assessed the disparities in risk of coronary heart disease (CHD) mortality by race/ethnicity, but most of them only focused on the average CHD risk without taking into account the full risk distribution which would enable analysis of specific high-risk sub-groups. In this study, we estimated the 10-year risk distribution of CHD mortality based on 5 leading modifiable risk factors in US (i.e. smoking, adiposity, high blood pressure, serum cholesterol and blood glucose). We quantified the racial disparities in absolute CHD risk while accounting for full risk distribution. Methods: We included 3866 individuals aged 45 to 74 years, who were black or white, non-pregnant, free of CHD and had measurements of all 5 risk factors from 6 consecutive 2-year cycles of the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey 1999-2010. We used mortality data from National Center for Health Statistics to estimate the cause-age-sex-race specific mortality in 2010. We also obtained hazard ratios of the selected 5 risk factors on CHD mortality from large meta-analyses of epidemiological studies. We predicted the 10-year risk of CHD death for each individual by simulating their survival process from 2010 to 2020 incorporating competing risks by death from other correlated causes. To assess health disparities, we compared the 5 th , 25 th , 50 th , 75 th and 95 th percentile of the predicted risks between black and white by age and sex. Results: More than half of the black and white population aged 45 to 74 years had a low 10-year risk of CHD death (< 2%). The age-sex-race specific distributions of 10-year CHD risk were right-skewed with a large proportion of population on the low risk tail. Comparing to white, black had similar shape of CHD risk distributions, but higher risk levels at all percentiles across age and sex groups. In 55-64 ages where CHD was the major cause of death, the median of CHD risk for black males was 2.9% (interquartile range (IQR) 1.7% - 4.4%), which was 0.7% larger than that for white males (2.2%, IQR 1.4% - 3.3%). This risk difference was similar in females: the median CHD risk for black females was 1.6% (IQR 0.9% - 2.4%) and 0.9% for white females (IQR 0.5% - 1.5%). The disparities became larger on the high risk tail (95 th percentile of predicted risk), where black had 2.7% higher risk for male and 2.3% for female in 55-64 ages. In older age groups (65-74 ages), such difference increased to 3.5% for both male and female. Conclusions: This analysis showed a skewed 10-year CHD risk distribution in US. The racial disparities are larger in the high risk sub-groups compared to those in the center of the risk distribution, indicating that the high risk subgroups should be the target population of intervention that aims to reduce health disparities in US.


Cancer ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 115 (20) ◽  
pp. 4807-4818 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dale Hardy ◽  
Rui Xia ◽  
Chih-Chin Liu ◽  
Janice N. Cormier ◽  
Zhannat Nurgalieva ◽  
...  

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liana Christin Landivar ◽  
Julia Beckhusen

Nearly 40 million workers are employed in retail and service occupations. While the average age and educational attainment of workers in these occupations has increased significantly since the 1970s, many of these occupations offer low wages, along with limited fringe benefits and opportunities for advancement. These occupations also employ a disproportionate share of Black and Hispanic women. Using longitudinal data from the 2004 and 2008 Survey of Income and Program Participation which provide occupational data over a four year timespan, we evaluate the prevalence of occupational mobility by sex, race, and ethnicity. This research shows there are racial disparities in occupational mobility, with Black and Hispanic women less likely to exit retail and service occupations than White, non-Hispanic women. Educational attainment increased the likelihood of occupational mobility. Hispanic women’s lower levels of educational attainment depressed their occupational mobility, while longer job tenure increased the likelihood they would be occupationally mobile. Differences in human capital and job tenure did not explain mobility disparities between Black and White, non-Hispanic women. However, unionization reduced occupational mobility and partly accounts for Black women’s lower rates of mobility. Black women were more likely to be unionized and unionization was associated with decreased occupational mobility among women. Workers in unionized retail and service occupations earned higher wages, reducing the incentive to leave and lowering their occupational mobility rate.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eike Mark Rinke ◽  
Julia Lück

This essay examines the importance of political ideology for the occurrence of political communication effects on the individual level. It is a common assumption in this research area that people tend to be selective about the political information they expose themselves to and also to selectively process it. Selective exposure and selective perception processes are mainly based on the dominant political orientation of the recipient, which usually leads to a reinforcement of preexisting political perceptions and attitudes. We review recent research on selective exposure and perceptions and argue for greater involvement of findings in social psychology regarding differences in cognitive styles that underlie individual policy orientations and justify why and how these findings can promote the study of partisan selectivity in the reception of political communication. We conclude by highlighting theoretical and methodological perspectives arising from the proposed extension of research on selectivity in the process of receiving political communication. [Publication of this chapter in the public domain courtesy of Frank &amp; Timme publishers. Publisher website: http://www.frank-timme.de/verlag/verlagsprogramm/buch/verlagsprogramm/kathrin-mokmichael-stahl-hg-politische-kommunikation-heute/]


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pierce D. Ekstrom ◽  
Joel Michel Le Forestier ◽  
Calvin K. Lai

Disparities in the treatment of Black and White Americans in police stops are pernicious and widespread. We examine racial disparities in police traffic stops by leveraging data on traffic stops from hundreds of U.S. counties from the Stanford Open Policing Project and corresponding county-level data on implicit and explicit racial attitudes from the Project Implicit research website. We find that Black-White traffic stop disparities are associated with county-level implicit and explicit racial attitudes and that this association is attributable to racial demographics: counties with a higher proportion of White residents had larger racial disparities in police traffic stops. We also examined racial disparities in several post-stop outcomes (e.g., arrest rates) and found that they were not systematically related to racial attitudes, despite evidence of disparities. These findings indicate that racial disparities in counties’ traffic stops are reliably linked to counties’ racial attitudes and demographic compositions.


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