Logics of Political Secrecy

2011 ◽  
Vol 28 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 103-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eva Horn

In the modern age, the political secret has acquired a bad reputation. With modern democracy’s ideal of transparency, political secrecy is identified with political crime or corruption. The article argues that this repression of secrecy in modern democracies falls short of a substantial understanding of the structure and workings of political secrecy. By outlining a genealogy of political secrecy, it elucidates the logic as well as the blind spots of a current culture of secrecy. It focuses on two fundamental logics of secrecy, deduced from the Latin terms ‘ arcanum’ and ‘ secretum’. Whereas the logic of arcanum regards secrecy as a legitimate dimension of government, a modern logic of secretum is marked by an inextricable dialectics between the withdrawal and communication of knowledge, between secrecy and publicity. Here, the secret is not so much a piece of withheld knowledge as a ‘secrecy effect’ that binds the realm of secrecy to the public sphere by a dialectics of permanent suspicion and scandal. Instead of falling into the trap of this ‘secrecy effect’ it is worth taking a closer look at the tradition of thought on the arcana imperii, from Tacitus to early modern doctrines of raison d’état to Carl Schmitt. What this tradition deals with is the functionality of secrecy and its complicated relation to the law. The arcana tradition elaborates the crucial point of secrecy: its potential, but also its profound ambivalence. Secrecy opens up a discretionary space of action exempt from the rule of law, and, according to Carl Schmitt, ignores the law so as to allow it to become effective. Secrecy serves to protect and stabilize the state, but at the same time it opens a space of exception from the rule of law that breeds violence, corruption and oppression. Instead of seeing secrecy as the opposite of a political culture of transparency, it is more productive to regard secrecy as transparency's complement – a counterpart, however, that is marked by the profound paradox of being both a consolidation of and a threat to democracy.

Author(s):  
Angela Dranishnikova ◽  
Ivan Semenov

The national legal system is determined by traditional elements characterizing the culture and customs that exist in the social environment in the form of moral standards and the law. However, the attitude of the population to the letter of the law, as a rule, initially contains negative properties in order to preserve personal freedom, status, position. Therefore, to solve pressing problems of rooting in the minds of society of the elementary foundations of the initial order, and then the rule of law in the public sphere, proverbs and sayings were developed that in essence contained legal educational criteria.


Author(s):  
Zainal Arifin Hoesein

<p>Materi muatan hukum selayaknya mampu menangkap aspirasi masyarakat yang tumbuh dan berkembang bukan hanya yang bersifat kekinian, melainkan sebagai acuan dalam mengan Ɵ sipasi perkembangan sosial, ekonomi, budaya dan poli Ɵ k di masa depan. Norma hukum pada dasarnya inheren dengan nilai-nilai yang diyakini oleh masyarakat, tetapi daya kekuatan keberlakuan hukum, Ɵ dak dapat melepaskan diri dari kelembagaan kekuasaan, sehingga hukum, masyarakat dan kekuasaan merupakan unsur dari suatu tatanan masyarakat. Oleh karena itu, Hukum Ɵ dak sekedar dipahami sebagai norma yang menjamin kepasa Ɵ an dan keadilan tetapi juga harus dilihat dari perspek Ɵ f kemanfaatan. Oleh karena itu, maka pembentukan hukum dalam perspek Ɵ f pembaruan hukum harus difokuskan pada dua hal yaitu, sistem hukum dan budaya hukum. Tulisan ini akan membahas bagaimana idealisasi peraturan perundang-undangan; bagaimana fungsi peraturan perundang-undangan dalam pembangunan hukum; dan bagaimana pendekatan metodologis terhadap pembentukan hukum. Dari berbagai pembahasan tersebut disimpulkan bahwa pembentukan hukum dalam perspek Ɵ f pembaharuan hukum, di samping harus memperha Ɵ kan aspek metodologis, juga harus merujuk dan meletakkan norma hukum dalam kesatuan harmoni ver Ɵ kal dengan aspek teologis, ontologis, posi Ɵ vis Ɵ k dan aspek fungsional dari suatu norma hukum.</p><p>The substance of the law should be able to capture the aspira Ɵ ons of the people who grow and develop not only be present, but as a reference in an Ɵ cipa Ɵ on of the social, economic, cultural and poli Ɵ cal future. The rule of law is essen Ɵ ally inherent to the values that are believed by the public, but the validity of the power of the law, not to break away from the ins Ɵ tu Ɵ onal power, so the law, society and power is an element of a society. Therefore, the law does not merely understood as a norm that ensures certainty and jus Ɵ ce but also to be seen from the perspec Ɵ ve of expediency. Therefore, the legal establishment in the perspec Ɵ ve of legal reform should be focused on two things, namely, the legal system and legal culture. This paper will discuss how the idealiza Ɵ on of laws, how the laws func Ɵ on in the development of the law, and how the methodological approach to the legal establishment. It was concluded that the forma Ɵ on of the law in the perspec Ɵ ve of legal reform, in addi Ɵ on must pay a Ʃ en Ɵ on to methodological aspects, should also refer to and put the rule of law in the unity of ver Ɵ cal harmony with aspects of the theological, ontological, posi Ɵ vist and func Ɵ onal aspects of the rule of law.</p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-217
Author(s):  
Dewi Ratnasari Rustam

Dissenting opinion is the difference of opinion between the Tribunal judges who handle certain a matter with other judges of the Tribunal dealing with certain cases. Dissenting opinion does not have the force of law because it cannot be the Foundation for the inception of the award. Dissenting opinion itself is an aspect of the law that need to be examined in order to prevent the formation of false opinion among the public. So, nowadays have started to formed the perception that dissenting opinion was an engineering law, instead of enforcing the rule of law but rather media that gave the opportunity for the defendant in corruption regardless of criminal trapping; but on the other hand is a form of difference of opinion and the independence of the judges as the metre is guaranteed by the provisions of the law; that the importance of dissenting opinion in the Court ruling was the judge's opinion be weighted, in an attempt of law appeal or cassation; as an indicator to determine the career judge, as an attempt to avoid the practice of corruption, Collusion and Nepotism (KKN) and the judicial mafia; as a real step towards the transparency of judicial democratization; the judiciary; and kemandiarian the judge require the freedom of speech.


2020 ◽  
Vol 125 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-145
Author(s):  
Brett Edward Whalen

Abstract As is well known, Ernst H. Kantorowicz’s groundbreaking 1957 study The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology explored the “dual nature” of the king’s body in medieval and early modern religious and political thought, tracing the evolution of an idea that would ultimately underwrite the “myth of the State,” namely, that the king possessed a mortal, transitory body, but also a supranatural one that never died. Readers greeted The King’s Two Bodies as an exceptional contribution to medieval studies immediately upon its publication. As Whalen relates, however, a growing awareness of where the book fits into the trajectory of Kantorowicz’s life and early career in 1920s and 1930s Germany has reshaped scholarly analyses of his famous work. Increasing numbers of scholars now interpret Kantorowicz’s study of medieval political theology as a response and oblique challenge to contemporary theories about the theological origins of modern sovereignty, including the work of Carl Schmitt. As Whalen also suggests, in recent years, the so-called return of religion to the public sphere and ongoing debates about the validity of the “secularization” narrative, positing the transference of religious concepts to secular politics in the modern age, has inspired further rounds of critical interest in The King’s Two Bodies. Now over sixty years old, Kantorowicz’s book seems as important and vital as ever, experiencing transformations in its reception that few could have imagined when it first appeared in print.


The Kantian project of achieving perpetual peace among states seems (at best) an unfulfilled hope. Modern states’ authority claims and their exercise of power and sovereignty span a spectrum: from the most stringently and explicitly codified—the constitutional level—to the most fluid and turbulent acts of war. The Public Uses of Coercion and Force investigates both these individual extremes and also their relationship. Using Arthur Ripstein’s recent work Kant and the Law of War as a focal point, this book explores this connection through the lens of the (just) war theory and its relationship to the law. The Public Uses of Coercion and Force asks many key questions: what, if any, are the normatively salient differences between states’ internal coercion and the external use of force? Is it possible to isolate the constitutional level from other aspects of the state’s coercive reach? How could that be done while also guaranteeing a robust conception of human rights and adherence to the rule of law? With individual replies by Ripstein to chapters, this book will be of interest to students and academics of constitutional law, justice, philosophy of law, criminal law theory, and political science.


Author(s):  
Jens Damgaard Thaysen

Modern states pursue most of their (domestic) ends by creating law and acting in accordance with the law they create. Moreover, many believe states ought to pursue most of their ends this way. If a state ought to do something, then chances are it ought to do it by creating, abolishing, changing, upholding, or enforcing some law. Therefore, almost any kind of political philosophy with bearing on what states should do has bearing on what law should be like. Justifying the legal proscription of some conduct involves more than just showing that citizens ought to refrain from that conduct. Legally restricting conduct is an exercise of coercion and must be justified as such. Criminal prohibitions in particular require special justification, as they are not only coercive but also commit the state to deliberately inflict the harm and stigma of punishment on some of its own citizens. Nevertheless, if the state must coerce its citizens, it ought generally to do so through a law that conforms to the rule of law. Law conforms to the rule of law if it is capable of guiding the citizens as they act and plan for the future. This the law can do only if it is open, clear, prospective, and stable, such that citizens can know what it demands now and predict with reasonable certainty what it will demand in the future. Conformity to the rule of law promotes freedom and is required to respect human dignity. Much of the debate about the justification and scope of legal coercion revolves around several principles that advance claims about what considerations are relevant to the justifiability of law. These principles all have the following structure: The fact that a legal restriction of a certain kind is related in a certain way to a certain type of conduct has a certain impact on whether that restriction is justifiable. Common principles include (a) legal moralism, according to which it is always a good reason to criminalize conduct that the conduct is wrongful; (b) the wrongness constraint, according to which criminalizing morally permissible conduct is never justified; (c) liberalism, according to which it is always a good reason to criminalize conduct that the conduct is either harmful or seriously offensive to others, and criminalizing conduct that is neither harmful nor offensive is never justified; (d) the public wrong principle, according to which it is always a good reason to criminalize conduct that the conduct is a public wrong, and criminalizing conduct is never justified unless the conduct is a public wrong; (e) the sovereignty principle, according to which the only legitimate restrictions on conduct are those that secure independence. Which, if any, of these principles one should accept is the subject of an extensive and sophisticated academic debate.


Author(s):  
David Boucher

It is contended that Michael Oakeshott resists classification in terms of conventional labels of conservative, liberal, right or left, and that it is difficult to incorporate him in discussions of modern liberal theory because his concerns are not with human rights, distributive justice or multiculturalism. It is with reference to the classical republicanism of Rome that Oakeshott's distinctive contribution to political philosophy is illuminated because of his emphasis upon authority, the rule of law and freedom as non-domination. These are the very features that Oakeshott highlights in his lectures on the ‘Political Experience’ and ‘Political Thought’ of the Romans. Oakeshott values the distinction that the Romans, but not the Greeks, made between public and private, but unlike later republicans he does not associate the public sphere exclusively with political participation and civic virtues. One may contribute just as significantly to the public concern by being a music-hall entertainer. Oakeshott is clearly differentiated from modern instrumental republicans who in his view would be rationalists obsessed with institutional design and with viewing the civil condition as an enterprise association.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-144
Author(s):  
V.T. Azizova ◽  
◽  
A.A. Abdullatipova ◽  

The relevance of the issues discussed in this article is due to the importance of ensuring the preservation of land, the legality of its use and the protection of land in various ways. The Public Prosecutor 's Office has a significant role to play in this process, which has the right to detect violations of the law in this area, to contribute to their prevention, as well as to bring the perpetrators to various types of responsibility. The purpose of the article is to consider the activities of the Public Prosecutor 's Office in this area, to identify difficulties in this activity and to develop proposals to overcome the identified problems. In conclusion, the following conclusions are made: 1) in addition to prosecutors, the rule of law process in the field of land use should involve all bodies whose activities are related to this area to some extent; 2) the relevant activities of the Public Prosecutor 's Office in the field of land use are to verify the legality of legal documents in this sphere, the activities of supervisory bodies with powers in the field of land use, compliance with the legislation by all parties to land legal relations; 3) the most common types of offences identified by prosecutors in this sphere are the absence of documents for land plots, self-capture of land plots, violation of procedure and legality of allocation of land plots


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-46
Author(s):  
Melanie Walker

Society shapes the law and the law, we hope, might shape society for the better in turn. Legal traditions and practices therefore surely ought to secure for all citizens the prerequisites of a life worthy of human dignity. In a speech to the Routledge-Modise Law School in Johannesburg in September 2008, Justice Kate O’Regan[1] drew on Antony Kronman’s theory that one of the main characteristics identifying the practice of Law is that it is directly concerned with the public good. Lawyers have a responsibility to foster the legal system and the rule of law; at times, this might require them to suggest new laws or legislation; at other times, it might require them to criticize judgments which may not appear correct; at other times, they may need to protect the rule of law itself.[1] O’Regan, K. ‘Lawyering in Our New Constitutional Order.’ (2009). UCT News Alumni Magazine cited in Walker. M. Higher Education Pedagogies. (2016) Maidenhead: Open University Press & SRHE


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 216
Author(s):  
Cecep Wiharma

The law society's awareness of the factors that strongly holds an important role in the efforts of the law enforcement itself, because it is this persfektif that need to be arranged so that the rule of law in this country can run. The relevance of the rule of law in the perspective of the rule of Justice as part of the legal consciousness of the public, is an alternative effort over mistrust against law enforcement officials of the ruling is positive and which is the mainstream of the view legalistic. When talking about the law in persfektif justice in the area of ethics or morality and does not discuss the legal issues in a sense narrow. How positive law is made, and whether it has made positive law represents the community's sense of fairness, as well as the legal apparatus that this mentality of enforcing the law? The culture of the law society legal culture depends on its members which is influenced by the background of his education, the environment, culture, position, even the interests. Keywords: Law enforcement, Legal Awareness, and Justice


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