Partisan values and gay rights: Public opinion about employment nondiscrimination

Politics ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 300-314
Author(s):  
Laurie Rhodebeck ◽  
Jason Gainous ◽  
Tricia Gray

Partisan elites justify policy positions by invoking underlying values, and political parties are associated with value reputations that connect particular values to specific policy positions. Value recruitment theory explains the relationship between value framing and policy positions. Newspaper content analysis and statistical analysis of survey data show that Democrats are more likely to frame employment nondiscrimination against gay rights as an equality issue, while Republicans are more likely to frame it as morality- and capitalism-based values. Surprisingly, however, equality framing has a stronger effect on Republicans. The study extends research on nondiscrimination in employment with an empirical test of value recruitment theory. The results largely confirm expectations that the application of values can be shaped through citizen attachment to parties, generate insights into value recruitment in policy debates, and point to other questions for further analysis.

Author(s):  
Dennis C. Spies

The chapter summarizes the New Progressive Dilemma (NPD) debate, identifying three arguments from comparative welfare state and party research likely to be relevant to the relationship between immigration and welfare state retrenchment: public opinion, welfare institutions, and political parties. Alignment of anti-immigrant sentiments and welfare support varies considerably between countries, especially between the US and Europe, leading to different party incentives vis-à-vis welfare state retrenchment. The chapter introduces insights from comparative welfare state and party research to the debate, discussing inter alia, political parties in terms of welfare retrenchment, immigrants as a voter group, and cross-national variation of existing welfare institutions. It addresses the complex debates around attitudinal change caused by immigration, levels of welfare support, voting behavior, and social expenditures. Combining these strands of literature, a common theoretical framework is developed that is subsequently applied to both the US and Western European context.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172199363
Author(s):  
Raimondas Ibenskas ◽  
Jonathan Polk

Are political parties in young democracies responsive to the policy preferences of the public? Compared to extensive scholarship on party responsiveness in established democracies, research on party responsiveness in young democracies is limited. We argue that weaker programmatic party–voter linkages in post-communist democracies create incentives for parties to respond to their supporters rather than the more general electorate. Such responsiveness occurs in two ways. First, parties follow shifts in the mean position of their supporters. Second, drawing on the research on party–voter congruence, we argue that parties adjust their policy positions to eliminate previous incongruence between themselves and their supporters. Analyses based on a comprehensive dataset that uses expert surveys, parties’ manifestoes and election surveys to measure parties’ positions, and several cross-national and national surveys to measure voters’ preferences provide strong support for this argument.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Türkay Salim Nefes

Abstract How do perceived threats influence politicians’ attitudes towards religious minorities? Examining the Turkish parliamentary records between 1946 and 1960, this study suggests that perceived security threats significantly contribute to Turkish political parties’ negative descriptions of Armenians. The research analyzes speeches about Armenians via a mixed-method content analysis. The findings demonstrate that (a) debate about security threats is a reliable predictor of the political parties’ negative portrayals, and (b) members of the parliament justify their negative views by labeling Armenians as an enemy. The article concludes that perceived threats evoke negative speeches about Armenians in Turkish politics.


Author(s):  
Paul M. Sniderman ◽  
Edward H. Stiglitz

This chapter presents a theory of candidate positioning. The key to this account is the policy reputations of the two political parties. Candidates must take positions consistent with the policy reputations of their parties to collect a reputational premium. The chapter's job is twofold. The first task is to demonstrate that programmatic party identifiers favor candidates of their party on the grounds that they represent the overall outlook of their party, independent of the specific policy positions that the candidates take. The second task is to specify the range of positions that a candidate may take and still be judged to represent the overall outlook of the party by supporters of his party who know and share its outlook.


Author(s):  
Jin Yang

The purpose of the work is to identify the connotation, features of computational propaganda and reveal how computational propaganda uses new technologies to manipulate public opinion. The study’s hypothesis is the assumption that computational propaganda, as a new type of propaganda and manipulation of public opinion spawned in the era of artificial intelligence, stealthily and massively steers public opinion using new technologies to influence political and social processes. With the scientific methods such as event analysis and case-study, the work concludes that more and more governments, political parties, and strategic communication companies use social media as the digital platform, Internet bots as the automated executors, and algorithms as the computational technical guarantee, by participating in, guiding and creating controversial topics and events, to manipulate public opinion and win international competitions, policy debates, elections, etc.


2021 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 113-134
Author(s):  
Celso Cancela Outeda ◽  
Bruno González-Cacheda

This research analyzes and compares the implementation of digital political participation devices among the political parties of the four largest states of the CPLP in terms of population. Based on the influence and incentives of the context of each state, we expect greater adoption of participation tools among the political parties of those states most digitized and developed at the socioeconomic level. For the verification of the starting hypothesis, the information regarding the categories and study variables related to the participation was collected through the websites of the selected political parties through a systematic observation. Statistical analysis of the data obtained did not allow us to confirm the relationship between the level of general digitization, socioeconomic development, and the degree of digitization of political parties. Based on the results obtained, we propose a series of alternative explanations that may be tested in future work.


2006 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 160-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Senokozlieva ◽  
Oliver Fischer ◽  
Gary Bente ◽  
Nicole Krämer

Abstract. TV news are essentially cultural phenomena. Previous research suggests that the often-overlooked formal and implicit characteristics of newscasts may be systematically related to culture-specific characteristics. Investigating these characteristics by means of a frame-by-frame content analysis is identified as a particularly promising methodological approach. To examine the relationship between culture and selected formal characteristics of newscasts, we present an explorative study that compares material from the USA, the Arab world, and Germany. Results indicate that there are many significant differences, some of which are in line with expectations derived from cultural specifics. Specifically, we argue that the number of persons presented as well as the context in which they are presented can be interpreted as indicators of Individualism/Collectivism. The conclusions underline the validity of the chosen methodological approach, but also demonstrate the need for more comprehensive and theory-driven category schemes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 391-404
Author(s):  
Nur Khasanah ◽  
Achmad Irwan Hamzani

AbstractThis study discusses the relation between religion and democracy; critical examination of the existence of Islamic parties in Indonesia. This study is a qualitative study based on library (library research). The approach used is descriptive qualitative which aims to illustrate or describe the reality that exists or what is happening or the actual reality of the object under study. Then interpreted in the form of a report. The approach used is the cultural anthropology approach. The results of this study indicate that Muslims interpret the relationship of religion and democracy to occur in three models, namely the negative, neutral and positive models. In the context of Islamic political parties in Indonesia, the basic problem is the inability of parties to package democratic issues, starting from the emergence of religious sentiment, politicization of religion, political pragmatism in PKS parties. Furthermore, the PPP party has problems with party regeneration, leadership dualism, and political attitudes. Whereas the UN party is seen in the absence of a leader figure and political culture.Keywords: Religion, Democracy, Islamic Party AbstrakStudi ini membahas tentang relasi agama dan demokrasi; telaah kritis eksistensi Partai-Partai Islam di Indonesia. Kajian ini merupakan studi kualitatif berbasis kepustakaan (library research). Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif yang bertujuan untuk memberi gambaran atau mendeskripsikan kenyataan yang ada atau apa yang terjadi atau kenyataan sebenarnya pada obyek yang diteliti. Kemudian diinterprestasikan dalam bentuk laporan. Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah pendekatan antropologi budaya. Hasil penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa kaum muslim memaknai bahwa relasi agama dan demokrasi terjadi dalam tiga model, yakni model negatif, netral, dan positif. Dalam konteks partai-partai politik Islam di Indonesia, problem mendasar adalah ketidakmampuan partai dalam mengemas isu-isu demokrasi, mulai dari muncul sentimen keagamaan, politisasi agama, pragmatisme politik pada partai PKS. Selanjutnya pada partai PPP terdapat masalah pada kaderisasi partai, dualisme kepemimpinan, dan sikap politik. Sedangkan pada partai PBB terlihat pada ketiadaan figur pemimpin  dan kultur politik.Kata Kunci: Agama, Demokrasi, Partai Islam


2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-211
Author(s):  
Bernard Doherty

Beginning in 2005 the tiny Christian sect then known as the Exclusive Brethren suddenly underwent a media transformation from a virtually unknown or ignored group of quirky and old-fashioned Protestant sectarians to being touted as “Australia’s biggest cult” by tabloid television programs. This explosion of controversy came on the heels of media revelations about the involvement of Brethren members in providing financial donations to conservative political causes across the globe and a snowballing effect in response which brought forth a number of ex-members eager to expose their former group. This article looks at how this media transformation has been received by the wider Australian public. By studying the hitherto little utilized data contained in readers’ letters to Australia’s three mainstream broadsheet newspapers this article identifies which events or undertakings had the most impact on public perceptions of the Exclusive Brethren and which specific articles and issues struck the most responsive chord with readers. This content analysis found that Australian public opinion toward the Exclusive Brethren, while on the whole negative, was more indicative of their political involvement than their beliefs. The study also found that prior to what I call “The Brethren Controversy” the Exclusive Brethren had maintained a high degree of “sectarian tension” in Australia for almost four decades with little public outcry or media vilification.


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