Scapegoating and the ‘angry black woman’

2021 ◽  
pp. 053331642199230
Author(s):  
Jacinta Kent

The scapegoating of ‘angry black women’ achieves the paradoxical feat of ascribing power while simultaneously taking it away. This article aims to highlight how women of colour may be scapegoated as a result of intersecting, deep-rooted, and malignant forces operating within the (un)conscious, with a particular focus on racism. A lack of relevant literature is identified so to better understand the causation and effects of this phenomenon, group analytic concepts are cross-pollinated with black feminist, white feminist, and black political theory. It is suggested that conductors could do more to manage destructive forces in groups and so three anti-racist approaches are proposed. Concluding thoughts note that if our groups are permeated by the social, the same may be said of our theoretical framework. It is hoped that by consulting other specialist disciplines and integrating their knowledge into group analytic training and professional practice, our aims of being more inclusive, accessible, and diverse become ever-more attainable.

Author(s):  
Terrion L. Williamson

For commentators concerned with black cultural production in the contemporary era, there are few images more controversial than the angry black woman, particularly as it is reproduced within the confines of reality television. This chapter traces the lineage of the angry black woman back to key black feminist texts of the 1970s, arguing that the trope emerges out of a distinct sociopolitical history that was codified within both public policy and popular culture throughout the decade. Blaxploitation films became the site where black women’s anger was most visibly commodified, even as black women involved in an emergent black feminist movement worked to combat withering social commentaries that included Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s matriarchy thesis and sexist takedowns of black women writers like Ntozake Shange and Michele Wallace.


Author(s):  
Brittney Cooper

Coined by Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989, the term intersectionality has become the key analytic framework through which feminist scholars in various fields talk about the structural identities of race, class, gender, and sexuality. This chapter situates intersectionality within a long history of black feminist theorizing about interlocking systems of power and oppression, arguing that intersectionality is not an account of personal identity but one of power. It challenges feminist theorists, including Robyn Wiegman, Jennifer Nash, and Jasbir Puar, who have attempted to move past intersectionality because of its limitations in fully attending to the contours of identity. The chapter also maps conversations within the social sciences about intersectionality as a research methodology. Finally, it considers what it means for black women to retain paradigmatic status within intersectionality studies, whether doing so is essentialist, and therefore problematic, or whether attempts to move “beyond” black women constitute attempts at erasure and displacement.


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 527-540 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devon W. Carbado ◽  
Mitu Gulati

AbstractIn 1989, Kimberlé Crenshaw published Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics, an article that drew explicitly on Black feminist criticism, and challenged three prevailing frameworks: 1) the male-centered nature of antiracist politics, which privileged the experiences of heterosexual Black men; 2) the White-centered nature of feminist theorizing, which privileged the experiences of heterosexual White women; and 3) the “single-axis”/sex or race-centered nature of antidiscrimination regimes, which privileged the experiences of heterosexual White women and Black men. Crenshaw demonstrated how people within the same social group (e.g., African Americans) are differentially vulnerable to discrimination as a result of other intersecting axes of disadvantage, such as gender, class, or sexual orientation.This essay builds on that insight by articulating a performative conceptualization of race. It assumes that a judge is sympathetic to intersectionality and thus recognizes that Black women are often disadvantaged based on the intersection of their race and sex, among other social factors. This essay asks: How is that judge likely to respond to a case in which a firm promotes four Black women but not the fifth? The judge could conclude that there is no discrimination because the firm promoted four people (Black women) with the same intersectional identity as the fifth (a Black woman). We argue that this evidentiary backdrop should not preclude a finding of discrimination. It is plausible that our hypothetical firm utilized racially associated ways of being—performative criteria (self presentation, accent, demeanor, conformity, dress, and hair style)—to differentiate among and between the Black women. The firm might have drawn an intra-group, or intra-intersectional, line between the fifth Black women and the other four based on the view that the fifth Black woman is “too Black.” We describe the ease with which institutions can draw such lines and explain why doing so might constitute impermissible discrimination. Our aim is to broaden the conceptual terms upon which we frame both social categories and discrimination.


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 526-543 ◽  
Author(s):  
April Baker-Bell

In this article, I used Black feminist–womanist storytelling to weave together stories from my childhood and early years on the tenure track to illuminate how Black female language and literacy practices and the strongblackwoman trope develop across a life span. Through these stories, I illustrate how I existed, resisted, and persisted during my first 3 years on the tenure track as a Black woman and emerging language and literacy scholar with a family. This research is significant as scholarship that centers Black women literacy researchers’ lived experiences is missing from the field. As such, this work contributes to presenting a fuller narrative of Black women literacy researchers’ experiences and working lives within and beyond the academy. This research also expands the field’s knowledge of what counts as literacy research by understanding the complex racial and gendered life span literacies of a literacy researcher of color. It is important for institutions and organizations to consider the knowledge, experiences, and stories I include in this article as recommendations to sustain Black women in academic spaces and shift the culture of academia to better support Black women’s work and journeys.


Elements ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
David Querusio

On November 21st, 2013, <em>Politico</em> Magazine published Michelle Cottle’s piece titled “Leaning Out: How Michelle Obama Became a Feminist Nightmare.” Cottle pinpoints several explanations for Obama’s degeneration into such a “nightmare,” including the First Lady proclaiming to be a “mom-in-chief” and focusing on healthy eating. Melissa Harris-Perry, correspondent for MSNBC, retaliated quickly and criticized Cottle for her remarks, insisting that she should better study her black feminist history. This article argues that Cottle is oblivious to Obama’s standpoint as a black woman, and that by embracing motherhood, Obama is doing what many black women have been prevented from doing throughout history. This article draws from both historical accounts of black women during slavery and modern constructions of black femininity to address Cottle’s claims.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (9) ◽  
pp. 617-623 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cynthia B. Dillard

In this article, I return to a previously published work to reflect on the moral, methodological, and spiritual imperatives of qualitative inquiry for Black feminist researchers. Marshaling the West African icons of Ananse and Yaa Asantewaa, this article illuminates how racism and sexism always already position the Black woman scholar as both (re)searcher and (re)searched in both sites of inquiry and as objects under study. This article makes visible the “evidence of things unseen” to recognize the oft invisible labor, gatekeeping, in/exclusions and challenges in doing/being racialized work, and the consequences in life and research careers for Black women scholars.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Yuniar Fatmasari

AbstractBasically, the body of the black woman slaves have experienced an immensely oppression whether from the economic, politic, and ideological dimensions; nevertheless, it is the ideological strategy which is believed in contributing the biggest and furthest effect so that the oppression still exists even the slavery has been abolished. During the slavery, the black woman slaves are forced to give birth as many as possible for the profit of the master. This shows that there is a control over the womb of the black woman slave. One of the strategies that the writer wants to convey in this article is the regulation on the maternal role of the black woman slaver. The individual maternal role is considered as a good strategy to conquer the body of the black woman slave so that they and the post-slavery black women are placing a disadvantage position in the social structure. Racism, sexism, class, and gender issues are assumed as the causal factors of this kind of social inequity.Keywords: individual maternal role, communal maternal roleAbstrakPada dasarnya, tubuh budak perempuan kulit hitam telah mengalami opresi secara besar-besaran baik dari dimensi ekonomi, politik dan ideologi; namun demikian, strategi ideologi-lah yang dipercaya memberikan efek paling besar dan dalam sehingga opresi tetap ada bahkan meski perbudakan itu sendiri telah ditiadakan. Selama perbudakan,budak perempuan kulit hitam dipaksa melahirkan anak sebanyak mungkin untuk kepentingan profit sang majikan dan hal tersebut menunjukkan adanya kontrol terhadap rahim budak perempuan kulit hitam. Salah satu strategi yang penulis ingin kemukakan di dalam artikel ini adalah regulasi terhadap peran maternal budak perempuan kulit hitam. Peran maternal individu dianggap strategis untuk menguasai tubuh perempuan kulit hitam sehingga budak perempuan kulit hitam dan perempuan kulit hitam pasca perbudakan menempati posisi yang tidak menguntungkan di dalam struktur sosial.Wacana rasisme, seksisme, kelas dan gender diasumsikan menjadi faktor penyebab ketimpangan sosial semacam ini.Kata kunci: peran maternal individu, peran maternal komunal


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (10) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Ana Caroline Amorim OLIVEIRA

RESUMO O objetivo do presente artigo consiste em refletir sobre a perspectiva interseccional da autora Lélia Gonzalez, especificamente, em suas análises sobre os discursos acerca da mulher negra na construção e manutenção do mito da democracia racial no Brasil. A sua abordagem relacionando raça, classe e gênero- posteriormente é cunhado o termo interseccionalidades para caracterizar tal articulação- traz reflexões sobre a sociedade brasileira e o mito que a estrutura simbolicamente: o da democracia racial a partir da figura da mulher negra. Para sua análise Gonzalez articula, interdisciplinarmente, o marxismo e a psicanálise passando pelas ciências sociais e história, chegando na sua tese sobre o racismo enquanto uma neurose cultural brasileira. Dessa forma, ao retomar o pensamento de Gonzalez percebemos a sua urgência e atualidade para os estudos feministas, bem como, o reconhecimento enquanto uma intérprete do Brasil. Interseccionalidade. Lélia Gonzalez. Mito da democracia racial. Mulher negra. Lélia Gonzalez and intersectional thinking: a reflection on the myth of racial democracy in BrazilABSTRACT The aim of this article is to reflect on the intersectional perspective of the author Lélia Gonzalez, specifically in her analysis of the discourses about black women in the construction and maintenance of the myth of racial democracy in Brazil. Its approach relating race, class and gender - later the term intersectionality is coined to characterize such articulation - brings reflections on Brazilian society and the myth that symbolically structures it: that of racial democracy based on the figure of the black woman. For his analysis, Gonzalez articulates interdisciplinary Marxism and psychoanalysis through the social sciences and history, arriving at his thesis on racism as a Brazilian cultural neurosis. Thus, when resuming Gonzalez's thinking, we perceive his urgency and timeliness for feminist studies, as well as recognition as an interpreter of Brazil.Intersectionality. Lélia Gonzalez. Myth of racial democracy. Black woman. Lélia González e pensiero intersezionale: una riflessione sul mito della democrazia razziale in BrasileRESUMENL'obiettivo di questo articolo è di riflettere sulla prospettiva intersezionale dell'autore Lélia González, in particolare, nella sua analisi dei discorsi sulle donne di colore nella costruzione e nel mantenimento del mito della democrazia razziale in Brasile. Il suo approccio mette in relazione razza, classe e genere - il termine intersezionalità è stato creato per caratterizzare tale articolazione - porta riflessioni sulla società brasiliana e sul mito che la struttura simbolicamente: quella della democrazia razziale basata sulla figura della donna nera. Per la sua analisi, González articola, interdisciplinare, il marxismo e la psicoanalisi attraverso le scienze sociali e la storia, arrivando alla sua tesi sul razzismo come nevrosi culturale brasiliana. Pertanto, riprendendo il pensiero di González, percepiamo la sua urgenza e attualità per gli studi femministi, nonché il riconoscimento come interprete dal Brasile.Intersezionalità. Lélia González. Mito della democrazia razziale. Donna nera. Lélia González e pensiero intersezionale: una riflessione sul mito della democrazia razziale in BrasileSINTESEL'obiettivo di questo articolo è di riflettere sulla prospettiva intersezionale dell'autore Lélia González, in particolare, nella sua analisi dei discorsi sulle donne di colore nella costruzione e nel mantenimento del mito della democrazia razziale in Brasile. Il suo approccio mette in relazione razza, classe e genere - il termine intersezionalità è stato creato per caratterizzare tale articolazione - porta riflessioni sulla società brasiliana e sul mito che la struttura simbolicamente: quella della democrazia razziale basata sulla figura della donna nera. Per la sua analisi, González articola, interdisciplinare, il marxismo e la psicoanalisi attraverso le scienze sociali e la storia, arrivando alla sua tesi sul razzismo come nevrosi culturale brasiliana. Pertanto, riprendendo il pensiero di González, percepiamo la sua urgenza e attualità per gli studi femministi, nonché il riconoscimento come interprete dal Brasile.Intersezionalità. Lélia González. Mito della democrazia razziale. Donna nera.


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (Special Issue) ◽  
pp. 87-103
Author(s):  
Noémi Bíró

"Feminist Interpretations of Action and the Public in Hannah Arendt’s Theory. Arendt’s typology of human activity and her arguments on the precondition of politics allow for a variety in interpretations for contemporary political thought. The feminist reception of Arendt’s work ranges from critical to conciliatory readings that attempt to find the points in which Arendt’s theory might inspire a feminist political project. In this paper I explore the ways in which feminist thought has responded to Arendt’s definition of action, freedom and politics, and whether her theoretical framework can be useful in a feminist rethinking of politics, power and the public realm. Keywords: Hannah Arendt, political action, the Public, the Social, feminism "


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document