Intersectionality and Non-Reporting Behavior: Perceptions from Women of Color in Federal Law Enforcement

2021 ◽  
pp. 0734371X2110061
Author(s):  
Helen H. Yu
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Homogeneous Group ◽  
Federal Law ◽  
Reporting Behavior ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Ethnic Subgroup ◽  
And Gender

Since the passage of the No FEAR Act of 2002, scholars across various disciplines have examined women’s reporting behavior toward sex-based discrimination. Most of the scholarship has concentrated on why women do not report sex-based discrimination, with this study being no exception. Missing, however, from this research is the intersectionality of race and gender, as most studies capture women as a homogeneous group without regard to race or ethnicity. Using a subsample of women who responded “yes” to having experienced sex-based discrimination ( n = 550) in the workplace but chose not to report the unlawful behavior, this study employs a series of mean comparisons to differentiate women’s non-reporting behavior by race or ethnicity. The findings suggest women of color as a group, as well as African-American and Latina respondents by their respective minority race or ethnic subgroup, have differences in non-reporting behavior in comparison to White women. These findings are important because they illustrate a more accurate examination of women’s reporting behavior in the workplace.

scholarly journals Intersectionality, Identity Politics and Violence Against Women of Color

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw
Keyword(s):  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Racial Violence ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
Racial Stratification ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Experiences Of Women

Identity-based politics has been a source of strength for people of color, gays and lesbians, among others. The problem with identity politics is that it often conflates intra group differences. Exploring the various ways in which race and gender intersect in shaping structural and political aspects of violence against these women, it appears the interests and experiences of women of color are frequently marginalized within both feminist  and antiracist discourses. Both discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. However,  the location of women of color at the intersection of race and gender makes our actual experience of domestic violence, rape, and remedial reform quite different from that of white women. Similarly, both feminist and antiracist politics have functioned in tandem to marginalize the issue of violence against women of color. The effort to politicize violence against women will do little to address the experiences of nonwhite women until the ramifications of racial stratification among women are acknowledged. At the same time, the anti-racist agenda will not be furthered by suppressing the reality of intra-racial violence against women of color. The effect of both these marginalizations is that women of color have no ready means to link their experiences with those of other women.

Race, Gender, and Emotion Work among School Principals

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 387-409 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Ispa-Landa ◽  
Sara Thomas
Keyword(s):  
Leadership Style ◽  
Emotional Labor ◽  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Novice Principals ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Managerial Authority ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Gender And Emotion ◽  
Over Time

Researchers have highlighted how gendered associations of femininity with emotional labor can complicate professional women’s attempts to exercise managerial authority. However, current understandings of how race and gender intersect in professional women’s emotional labor remain limited. We draw on 132 interviews from eight white women and 13 women of color who are novice principals. White women began the principalship wanting to establish themselves as emotionally supportive leaders who were open to others’ influence. They viewed emotional labor as existing in tension with showing authority as a leader. Over time, however, most white women reported adopting more directive practices. By contrast, women of color reported beginning the principalship with a more directive, take-charge leadership style. They viewed emotional labor and authority as part of a blended project and did not talk about these two aspects of leadership as existing in tension. Over time, their self-reported leadership style changed little. We analyze our findings in light of recent theorizing about gender and intersectionality.

Michelle Obama as a Political Symbol: Race, Gender, and Public Opinion toward the First Lady

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (03) ◽  
pp. 431-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Badas ◽  
Katelyn E. Stauffer
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Black Women ◽  
African American Women ◽  
White Women ◽  
First Lady ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Michelle Obama ◽  
Political Symbol ◽  
And Gender

AbstractPopular commentary surrounding Michelle Obama focuses on the symbolic importance of her tenure as the nation's first African American first lady. Despite these assertions, relatively few studies have examined public opinion toward Michelle Obama and the extent to which race and gender influenced public evaluations of her. Even fewer studies have examined how the intersection of race and gender influenced political attitudes toward Michelle Obama and her ability to serve as a meaningful political symbol. Using public opinion polls from 2008 to 2017 and data from the Black Women in America survey, we examine public opinion toward Michelle Obama as a function of respondents’ race, gender, and the intersection between the two. We find that African Americans were generally more favorable toward Michelle Obama than white Americans, with minimal differences between men and women. Although white women were no more likely than white men to view Michelle Obama favorably, we find that they were more likely to have information on Michelle Obama's “Let's Move” initiative. Most importantly, we find that Michelle Obama served as a unique political symbol for African American women and that her presence in politics significantly increased black women's evaluation of their race-gender group.

Career Pathways to NCAA Division I Women’s Basketball Head Coach Positions: Do Race and Gender Matter?

2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 94-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslie K. Larsen ◽  
Christopher J. Clayton
Keyword(s):  
Ncaa Division I ◽  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Career Pathways ◽  
Division I ◽  
Head Coaches ◽  
Head Coach ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Women's Basketball ◽  
And Gender

In 2017–2018, more than 60% of NCAA Division I women’s basketball (DI WBB) players identified as women of color, while less than 17% of the head coaches of DI WBB teams identified as women of color. Larsen, Fisher, and Moret suggested differences in career pathways between black female head coaches and their white female and white and black male counterparts could be one explanation for the aforementioned discrepancy. However, there is currently limited research on the career pathways of DI WBB head coaches to support Larsen and colleagues’ hypothesis. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to analyze the career pathways of DI WBB head coaches to identify race and gender differences. To accomplish this, a content analysis was conducted on the online biographies of head coaches from all 351 DI WBB programs. Significant differences between groups were found in the number of years coaching in DI women’s basketball prior to receiving a first DI head coaching position; both white women (M = 6.97) and women of color (M = 7.94) had significantly more years in DI WBB coaching than white males (M = 4.95; F(3, 348) = 4.63, p = .003). Further, chi-square tests revealed a significant relationship between the race and gender of a coach and the highest level of playing experience and education. These results indicate that race and gender play a significant role in determining what pathway is required to obtain an DI WBB head coaching position. In addition to these research findings, practical implications are discussed.

Writing and “Righting”

2020 ◽  
pp. 78-97
Author(s):  
Robin Mazyck Sundaramoorthy ◽  
Jinx Coleman Broussard
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African American Women ◽  
White Women ◽  
Black Press ◽  
Frances Ellen Watkins Harper ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
The Public ◽  
Suffrage Movement ◽  
Public Lives ◽  
And Gender

While the suffrage movement has largely been viewed through the lens of white women fighting for the vote, African American women were very much a part of the movement. Some of these women were suffrage advocates and journalists; others were activists in other arenas. Many black suffragists viewed the vote as a way of elevating their race, and the black press helped these women spread their message. Although it provided lackluster support for the suffrage movement, the black press gave considerable attention to the topic. It gave voice to those who supported the cause and those who were adamantly against it. This chapter focuses on the contributions and writings of prosuffrage journalists such as Ida B. Wells, Mary Church Terrell, Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, Bettiola Fortson, and others covered by the black press. It assesses the public lives and work of these women who had to consider both race and gender as they spoke up and out for those who could not speak for themselves.

Do Women Seek “Women of Color” for Public Office? Exploring Women’s Support for Electing Women of Color

2020 ◽  
pp. 106591292097179
Author(s):  
Yalidy Matos ◽  
Stacey Greene ◽  
Kira Sanbonmatsu
Keyword(s):  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Large Body ◽  
Descriptive Representation ◽  
Group Differences ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
News Stories ◽  
Black And White ◽  
The Media ◽  
And Gender

Scholars frequently invoke the term “women of color” (WOC) in their research, and, increasingly, the media make reference to WOC in news stories. Despite this common usage, researchers have failed to investigate whether the phrase WOC is politically advantageous. That is, do all women, black, Latina, Asian, white, and mixed-race women, support WOC candidates? This omission is unfortunate considering the large body of literature about race and gender politics concerned with descriptive representation and the extent of coethnic voting and gender affinity effects. Using original public opinion data, we draw on theories of intersectionality and social identity to hypothesize about how different subgroups of women respond to the prospect of electing more WOC to Congress. Consistent with group differences in the historic processes of racialization, our findings reveal considerable complexity within the WOC umbrella. Even within this complexity, we found that black and white women are the most distinctive in their preference for electing WOC. We contribute to the gender and race fields by identifying WOC as a politicized identity, and thus complicate and expand the study of descriptive representation.

Abstract P054: A Novel Index of Insulin Resistance and Segment-specific Pulse Wave Velocity: The Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities (ARIC) Study

Circulation ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 133 (suppl_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna K Poon ◽  
Michelle L Meyer ◽  
Elizabeth Selvin ◽  
James S Pankow ◽  
David Couper ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Arterial Stiffness ◽  
Pulse Wave Velocity ◽  
Wave Velocity ◽  
White Women ◽  
Pulse Wave ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Peripheral Arterial ◽  
Diagnosed Diabetes

Background: Carotid-femoral pulse wave velocity (cfPWV) is a reference measure of central (elastic) artery stiffness and a risk factor for cardiovascular disease. Femoral-ankle pulse wave velocity (faPWV) is a measure of peripheral (musculo-elastic) arterial stiffness. The ratio of fasting triglycerides (TG) to high-density lipoprotein cholesterol (HDL-C) is a novel and practical marker of insulin resistance (IR), a dysregulation that often precedes diabetes. While diabetes is a known risk factor for arterial stiffening, associations of IR with segment-specific measures of PWV, in those without diabetes, have not been well characterized. Objective: To characterize the cross-sectional association of IR, as indexed by TG/HDL-C, with central and peripheral arterial stiffness by race and gender in older adults without diagnosed diabetes. We hypothesized that TG/HDL-C is positively associated with cfPWV and inversely associated with faPWV. Methods: Our study population included 2477 white and 564 African American adults without diagnosed diabetes examined in 2011-2013 by the ARIC study. cfPWV (cm/s) and faPWV (cm/s) were measured using the Omron VP-1000 Plus system. TG (mg/dL)/HDL-C (mg/dL) was evaluated continuously and categorically. For TG/HDL-C categories, race and gender specific receiver operator characteristic curves were used to determine cut points corresponding to the 75th percentile of fasting insulin, optimized using the Youden index. Elevated TG/HDL-C was dichotomously defined by cut points. Multivariable linear regression was used to model associations, adjusted for age, heart rate, gender, current smoking, and race-center; analyses were stratified by race and gender. Results: The study population was 19% African American and 62% women; mean age was 75 years (SD: 5). TG/HDL-C was positively and monotonically associated with cfPWV, and inversely associated with faPWV. Overall, compared to those without elevated TG/HDL, those with elevated TG/HDL-C had higher cfPWV (β=56 cm/s, 95% CI 35, 78) and, although not significant, lower faPWV (β=-9 cm/s, 95% CI -22, 5). cfPWV was higher in those with elevated TG/HDL-C: 59 cm/s (95% CI 32, 87) in white women, 40 cm/s (95% CI 3, 78) in white men, 50 cm/s (95% CI -20, 120) in African American women, and 101 cm/s (95% CI -10, 212) in African American men. faPWV was lower in white women (β=-23 cm/s, 95% CI -42, -4), but not statistically different in other subgroups. The association of elevated TG/HDL-C with cfPWV and faPWV did not differ by race or gender (p-values >0.1 for all tests for interaction). Conclusions: Higher levels of IR, as indexed by TG/HDL-C, were associated with higher central arterial stiffness and lower peripheral arterial stiffness. These results suggest a role of IR in arterial stiffening in older adults without diabetes.

Race, Gender, and Perceived Employment Discrimination

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (5) ◽  
pp. 509-527
Author(s):  
Philip Q. Yang
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
White Women ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
Employment Discrimination ◽  
General Social Survey ◽  
Self Report ◽  
Independent Effect ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Job Discrimination ◽  
And Gender

This study investigates the effects of race and gender on perceived employment discrimination using the 2016 General Social Survey that provides new data on perceived employment discrimination that aligns more closely with the legal definition of employment discrimination. It is found that 19% of the American adults self-reported the experience of employment discrimination in job application, pay increase, or promotion in the past 5 years. The results of logistic regression analysis show that either controlling or not controlling for other factors, Blacks were much more likely to perceive being discriminated in employment than Whites, but other races were not significantly different from Whites in perceived employment discrimination after holding other variables constant. While gender did not have a significant independent effect on perceived job discrimination, it did interact with race to influence perceived job discrimination. Regardless of race, women were somewhat less likely than men to perceive job discrimination, but Black women were significantly even less likely than White women to self-report job discrimination, and Black men were much more likely to self-report employment discrimination than White men. These findings have implications for combating employment discrimination and addressing social inequalities.

Impoliteness in hip-hop music

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Panagiotis Delis
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Black Male ◽  
Hip Hop ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
White Male ◽  
White Female ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
The Social ◽  
Determining Factors ◽  
And Gender

Abstract The aim of this paper is to examine the functionality of impoliteness strategies as rhetorical devices employed by acclaimed African American and White hip-hop artists. It focuses on the social and artistic function of the key discursive element of hip-hop, namely aggressive language. The data for this paper comprise songs of US African American and White performers retrieved from the November 2017 ‘TOP100 Chart’ for international releases on Spotify.com. A cursory look at the sub-corpora (Black male/ Black female/ White male/ White female artists’ sub-corpus) revealed the prominence of the ‘use taboo words’ impoliteness strategy. The analysis of impoliteness instantiations by considering race and gender as determining factors in the lyrics selection process unveiled that both male groups use impoliteness strategies more frequently than female groups. It is also suggested that Black male and White female singers employ impoliteness to resist oppression, offer a counter-narrative about their own experience and self (re)presentation and reinforce in group solidarity.

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