Spiritual Formation of Believers among Latino Protestant Churches in the United States

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 422-446
Author(s):  
Orbelina Eguizabal
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Spiritual Formation ◽  
Theological Education ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Religious Commitment ◽  
The United States ◽  
Religious Activities ◽  
The Us ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
American Churches

Latinos have been in the United States for many centuries. Gradually they have made their presence more known, but it has been only in the last five decades that Latinos have experienced a conspicuous growth. As the Latino population grows in the country, the percentage of Latino Protestants grows, too. Latinos are very diverse as they represent a variety of ethnicities, cultural identities, religious identities, age dynamics, social classes, levels of acculturation citizenship or legal status. Latinos express their faith and religious commitment in different ways, including attending church, involvement in religious activities, reading the Bible, praying, evangelizing, and having a sense of mission, among others. Most Latino churches are giving attention to the spiritual formation of their churches’ members and are following strategies that work in their context. Some of them include Sunday worship service, Sunday school, Bible study, prayer, discipleship, cell groups, youth, women and men groups, evangelism and leadership training. Predominantly white American churches need to reevaluate what they have been doing with Latinos, keeping in mind that Latinos are very diverse, that they do not represent just recent immigrants to the US, as well as their religious commitment and sense of mission. The growth of Latino Protestants in the US conveys educational ministry implications for Anglo-American churches and other institutions of theological education.

scholarly journals Latinos’ deportation fears by citizenship and legal status, 2007 to 2018

2020 ◽  
Vol 117 (16) ◽  
pp. 8836-8844 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asad L. Asad
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
The United States ◽  
Racial Group ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Presidential Election ◽  
Over Time

Deportation has become more commonplace in the United States since the mid-2000s. Latin American noncitizens—encompassing undocumented and documented immigrants—are targeted for deportation. Deportation’s threat also reaches naturalized and US-born citizens of Latino descent who are largely immune to deportation but whose loved ones or communities are deportable. Drawing on 6 y of data from the National Survey of Latinos, this article examines whether and how Latinos’ deportation fears vary by citizenship and legal status and over time. Compared with Latino noncitizens, Latino US citizens report lower average deportation fears. However, a more complex story emerges when examining this divide over time: Deportation fears are high but stable among Latino noncitizens, whereas deportation fears have increased substantially among Latino US citizens. These trends reflect a growing national awareness of—rather than observable changes to—deportation policy and practice since the 2016 US presidential election. The article highlights how deportation or its consequences affects a racial group that the US immigration regime targets disproportionately.

The United States and the Coalition Provisional Authority – occupation by proxy?

2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 415-436
Author(s):  
Amy Elizabeth Chinnappa
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
The United States ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Private Military Companies ◽  
The Us ◽  
Coalition Provisional Authority ◽  
Unified Command ◽  
Domestic Law

AbstractThe Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) governed Iraq from 2003 following Resolution 1483 of the UN Security Council. This Resolution affirmed that Iraq was in a state of occupation and that there were occupying powers. The Resolution referred to the United States of America and the United Kingdom as ‘occupying powers under the unified command of the “Authority”’, the ‘Authority’ being the CPA. However, the legal status of the CPA and its relationship to the US (the focus of this article) is not entirely clear, both under US domestic law and international law. This lack of clarity could have significant implications for the US’s responsibility for the CPA’s conduct. As with private military companies, a CPA-style administration of territory could become a tool for states to quarantine their risk under the law of occupation. This article contends that the theory of occupation by proxy may help clarify the legal status of the CPA and its relationship to the US and could assist in closing the identified gap in responsibility. To support this argument, this article establishes a legal framework for the theory of occupation by proxy which is then applied to the CPA and US.

scholarly journals Latinos’ deportation fears by citizenship and legal status, 2007 to 2018

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asad L. Asad
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
The United States ◽  
Racial Group ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Presidential Election ◽  
Over Time

Deportation has become more commonplace in the United States since the mid-2000s. Latin American noncitizens—encompassing undocumented and documented immigrants—are targeted for deportation. Deportation’s threat also reaches naturalized and US-born citizens of Latino descent who are largely immune to deportation but whose loved ones or communities are deportable. Drawing on 6 y of data from the National Survey of Latinos, this article examines whether and how Latinos’ deportation fears vary by citizenship and legal status and over time. Compared with Latino noncitizens, Latino US citizens report lower average deportation fears. However, a more complex story emerges when examining this divide over time: Deportation fears are high but stable among Latino noncitizens, whereas deportation fears have increased substantially among Latino US citizens. These trends reflect a growing national awareness of—rather than observable changes to—deportation policy and practice since the 2016 US presidential election. The article highlights how deportation or its consequences affects a racial group that the US immigration regime targets disproportionately.

scholarly journals US - Azerbaijan Relations in Caspian region (90s of the XX century)

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 288-296
Author(s):  
E. A. Markova
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Caspian Sea ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
Oil Companies ◽  
The Us

The collapse of the USSR resulted for Azerbaijan to pursue an independent foreign policy. Azerbaijan focused on establishing and furthering relations with Western states, primarily, with the United States. Official Baku considered the United States as an important partner to provide support for the economic development and production of hydrocarbon resources. On the other side, the United States also increased its focus on Azerbaijan due to the favorable geographical position of the Caspian state and the pro-Western attitude of its political elite. The US counted on taking advantage of Azerbaijan to change the flow of oil, which was supposed to be produced in the future. The United States played a decisive role in expanding Azerbaijan's cooperation with Western oil companies, which headed for the shores of the Caspian Sea. As a result, the Azerbaijani-American cooperation in the 90s of the XX century led Baku to chose the western direction in exporting its hydrocarbon resources as the principal one. In addition, under the US influence, Azerbaijan took a tough position on the international legal status of the Caspian Sea. Cooperation between the United States and Azerbaijan has had a great impact on the situation in the region, relations with Russia and the other Caspian states.

scholarly journals Indonesia, the Cold War and Non-Alignment: Relations of the Early Indonesian Cabinets with the United States, 1950-52*

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Mason
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central Theme ◽  
The Us ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
The Cold War

Indonesia, the Cold War and Non-alignment: Relations of the Early Indonesian Cabinets with the United States, 1950-1952. The Cold War initially focused on Europe but promptly spread to encompass the entire globe. By the early 1950s, the Cold War belligerents began to compete for the allegiance of the newly independent nations. Many of the newly independent nations, however, had from the outset, preferred not to choose sides in the Cold War. India, Burma and Indonesia had all purported to pursue a policy of neutralism and non-alignment in the Cold War. This paper discusses the attempts of the newly independent Republic of Indonesia to steer a policy of nonalignment in the Cold War and the challenges thereto posed by the United States' Cold War policies during the early 1950s. It traces the experiences of the Hatta, Natsir and Sukiman cabinets, 1950-1952. The central theme of the paper is the interplay between the Indonesian policy of non-alignment in the Cold War and the US policy of containment. The paper argues that despite their profession to non-alignment, the early Indonesian cabinets had leaned towards the United States. Indonesia fell with the Anglo-American economic and military orbit. Desirous of American aid, Indonesia increasingly compromised on its stance of nonalignment in the Cold War. The dilemma of dependence proved to be a major stumbling block in Indonesia's attempt to pursue non-alignment.  

scholarly journals Refugees from the Baltic states in the camps of Central and Western Europe in the context of the American «non-recognition policy» in the second half of the 1940’s

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 80-87
Author(s):  
Volodymur Yushkevych
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
The United States ◽  
Displaced Persons ◽  
Baltic States ◽  
The Us ◽  
American Diplomacy ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Baltic

The article covers one of the problematic aspects of US-Soviet relations in the first post-war years - the issue of «the controversial refugees», appeared due to non-recognition by the United States of Soviet annexation of the Baltic States and the conduct of forced repatriation by the USSR. American diplomacy during the presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt adhered to the «non-recognition policy», concluded in the Stimson Doctrine (January 7, 1932) and the Welles Declaration (July 23, 1940). However, declared foreign policy acts did not lead to a decrease of the level of official relations with the aggressor state. At the same time, the official Washington did not consider the Balts as citizens of the USSR and retained the diplomatic missions of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in the United States. Under the administration of President Harry Truman, the course of non-recognition of the «voluntary entry of the three Baltic republics into the USSR» continued.It was researched that after the end of the Second World War, refugees and displaced persons from the Baltic-occupied Soviet Union were located in Austria, Italy, France and Switzerland. The large contingent was within the limits of the American occupation zone in Germany, the vast majority were immigrants from Lithuania. The attention was paid to the factors that led to the mass exodus of Lithuanians, Latvians, Estonians from 1943 to 1944. It is outlined the special place of American diaspora civic organizations in collecting of financial assistance and coordination of their activities with the US State Department. It is also defined the role of representatives of the Catholic and Protestant national churches.The researched paper contains an analysis of correspondence between the leaders of the American diplomatic missions of Lithuania (Povilas Žadeikis), Latvia (Alfrēds Bīlmanis) and Estonia (Johannes Kaiv) with the US Department of State. Baltic diplomats constantly emphasized the need to confront the Soviet propaganda machine with regard to the denial of the «voluntary Sovietization of the Baltic» and the practice of sweeping accusation of refugees in «betrayal» and «cooperation with the Germans». In turn, they pointed to the need to extend the jurisdiction and mandate of international organizations on Baltic refugees, to determine their legal status and to prevent their recognition as the Soviet citizens in some European countries.The article deals with the documental potential of the diplomatic correspondence of the US foreign policy department. Attention is drawn to the analysis of this issue in the research works of foreign historians.During the first post-war years in matter of refugees’ problem and displaced persons, it was found that American diplomacy was in search of consensus between humanitarian reasons for ensuring human rights to asylum and the fulfillment of allied obligations in course of the activities of Soviet repatriation missions. However, «Baltic refugees» were a separate category, which Americans tried not to extradite from their occupied territory to the USSR cause of their non-recognition policy of Soviet annexation of Baltic states.

scholarly journals Statelessness in the United States: A Study to Estimate and Profile the US Stateless Population

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 150-213
Author(s):  
Donald Kerwin ◽  
Daniela Alulema ◽  
Michael Nicholson ◽  
Robert Warren
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
At Risk ◽  
New York ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
The United States ◽  
Census Bureau ◽  
Executive Summary ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Data Limitations ◽  
The Us

Executive Summary In October 2017, the Center for Migration Studies of New York (CMS) initiated a study to map the stateless population in the United States. This study sought to: Develop a methodology to estimate the US stateless population; Provide provisional estimates and profiles of persons who are potentially stateless or potentially at risk of statelessness in the United States; Create a research methodology that encouraged stateless persons to come forward and join a growing network of persons committed to educating the public on and pursuing solutions to this problem; and Establish an empirical basis for public and private stakeholders to develop services, programs, and policy interventions to prevent and reduce statelessness (UNHCR 2014g, 6), and to safeguard the rights of stateless persons ( UNHCR 2014d ). This report describes a unique methodology to produce estimates and set forth the characteristics of US residents who are potentially stateless or potentially at risk of statelessness. The methodology relies on American Community Survey (ACS) data from the US Census Bureau, supplemented by very limited administrative data on stateless refugees and asylum seekers. 1 As part of the study, CMS developed extensive, well-documented profiles of non–US citizen residents who are potentially stateless or potentially at risk of statelessness. It then used these profiles to query ACS data to develop provisional estimates and determine the characteristics of these populations. The report finds that the population in the United States that is potentially stateless or potentially at risk of statelessness is larger and more diverse than previously assumed, albeit with the caveat that severe data limitations make it impossible to provide precise estimates of this population. Stateless determinations require individual screening, which the study could not undertake. Individuals deemed potentially stateless or potentially at risk of statelessness in this report may in fact have been able to secure nationality in their home countries or in third countries. They may also be on a path to citizenship in the United States, although nobody in CMS’s estimates had yet to obtain US citizenship. According to CMS’s analysis, roughly 218,000 US residents are potentially stateless or potentially at risk of statelessness. These groups live in all 50 states, 2 with the largest populations in California (20,600), New York (18,500), Texas (15,200), Ohio (13,200), Minnesota (11,200), Illinois (8,600), Pennsylvania (8,200), Wisconsin (7,300), Georgia (6,600), and Virginia (6,500). The report recommends ways to improve data collection and, thus, develop better estimates in the future. It also lifts up the voices and challenges of stateless persons, and outlines steps to reduce statelessness and safeguard the rights of stateless persons in the United States. As it stands, the paucity of reliable federal data on the stateless, the lack of a designated path to legal status for them under US law, and the indifference of government agencies contribute to the vulnerability and isolation of these populations.

scholarly journals US-UK “special relationship” and current challenges

2021 ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Oleg Prikhodko
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Substantial Part ◽  
Special Relationship ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The U.S

The Anglo-American “special relationship” has characteristics that make it distinct from other alliances led by the United States. The article covers a set of issues ranging from the bilateral nuclear cooperation to a broad web of military links between the US and the UK. It examines the phenomenon of the “special relationship”, its substance and manifestations in security and defense domains, including recent developments. The victory of Joe Biden in the United States 2020 Presidential election, that reversed ‘America First’ policy of D. Trump, makes the future relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom much more predictable. However, the British departure from the European Union is a milestone event with explicit and implicit implications for the policies of the US and the UK. Although it is premature to predict a resulting outcome of Brexit for their relationship, the prevailing view of American and British analysts is that the UK could lose a substantial part of its value for the United States in European matters. Nevertheless, the cooperation between Washington and London in security and defense issues will be no less intense. Moreover, a concept of ‘global Britain’ that is central to Boris Johnson’s foreign and security policies may prove more helpful to the U.S. strategy, especially beyond Europe. At least, an Indo-Pacific commitment on the part of post-Brexit Britain is a striking feature that lies fully in line with the U.S. strategic interests in the region.

The Mexican Revolution

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin H. Johnson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mexican Descent ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
Border City ◽  
Labor Exploitation ◽  
The Us ◽  
Anglo American

When rebels captured the border city of Juárez, Mexico, in May 1911 and forced the abdication of President Porfirio Díaz shortly thereafter, they not only overthrew the western hemisphere’s oldest regime but also inaugurated the first social revolution of the 20th century. Driven by disenchantment with an authoritarian regime that catered to foreign investment, labor exploitation, and landlessness, revolutionaries dislodged Díaz’s regime, crushed an effort to resurrect it, and then spent the rest of the decade fighting one another for control of the nation. This struggle, recognized ever since as foundational for Mexican politics and identity, also had enormous consequences for the ethnic makeup, border policing, and foreign policy of the United States. Over a million Mexicans fled north during the 1910s, perhaps tripling the country’s Mexican-descent population, most visibly in places such as Los Angeles that had become overwhelmingly Anglo-American. US forces occupied Mexican territory twice, nearly bringing the two nations to outright warfare for the first time since the US–Mexican War of 1846–1848. Moreover, revolutionary violence and radicalism transformed the ways that much of the American population and its government perceived their border with Mexico, providing a rationale for a much more highly policed border and for the increasingly brutal treatment of Mexican-descent people in the United States. The Mexican Revolution was a turning point for Mexico, the United States, and their shared border, and for all who crossed it.

Dissolution

2019 ◽  
pp. 169-197
Author(s):  
Charlie Laderman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Near East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
British Imperialism ◽  
Treaty Of Versailles ◽  
Oil Resources ◽  
The Us ◽  
Anglo American

The Armenian mandate debate is overlooked in studies of the fight over ratification of the Treaty of Versailles and membership of the League of Nations. This chapter emphasizes its significance to debates over US league membership and the United States’ postwar relationship with Britain. It explores the findings of the Harbord Commission, the investigative group that President Wilson sent to the Near East to ascertain whether the US should accept a mandate. It follows the American public debate over assuming the mandate in Congress and the national press, highlighting how it reveals the residual American mistrust of British imperialism, as well as the growing British disillusionment with American indecision over whether to make a commitment in the Near East. It explains how this aggravated tensions in Anglo-American relations, already evident in the clash between the two nations over access to the region’s oil resources. And it explores how the collapse of order in the Near East in 1922 led to Americans and Britons blaming each other for allowing the outbreak of renewed atrocities.

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