Investigating the Welfare Deservingness of Single Mothers: Public Image and Deservingness Perceptions in Hungary

2020 ◽  
pp. 088832542093777
Author(s):  
Boglárka Herke

The literature on single mothers’ welfare deservingness is dominated by analyses carried out in Anglo-Saxon countries. Those analyses tend to point to an undeserving public image of single mothers. This negative perception is often explained by the identity gap between middle-class voters and poor single mothers, which is partly fuelled by conservative family values in mainstream society. This study investigates the issue in Hungary, where the government has strongly promoted traditional family ideals and significantly increased the support for affluent two-parent families in the past decade. First, the study explores the public image of single mothers based on open-ended and closed-ended survey questions. Second, it measures the perceived deservingness of the group based on five criteria (control, attitude, reciprocity, identity, and need) (van Oorschot 2000) by using the same open-ended question data and a series of other survey data. The results show that single mothers have a coherent deserving public image in Hungary: they have a hard life, do everything to make a living for their family, and lack appropriate financial and emotional support. Results, however, also show that public attitudes are in line with the government’s conservative family policy, and there is, indeed, an identity gap between single-mother families and the public. Nevertheless, this identity gap is not enough to generate negative welfare attitudes towards single mothers because they are perceived as deserving regarding the other four deservingness criteria.

1997 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert A. Jones

The period between 1945 and 1970 was critical for the public reputation of British science. It was also a golden age for British cinema. Feature films of this period are used in this paper as a tool for investigating the public image of the scientist. Three main stereotypes are identified, but one of these, which I have called `the Boffin' forms the main focus of the paper. `Boffins' are scientists working with the government and/or armed forces in wartime. An analysis of the portrayal of Barnes Wallis in The Dam Busters provides the main characteristics of the stereotype, and fictional Boffins from other films are compared with this. The origins of the stereotype are traced to the actual situation of scientists in the British war effort, and to class and cultural divisions in post-war Britain. The persistence of the stereotype is also discussed. The implications of this analysis for our understanding of public attitudes to scientists during this period are considered.


Author(s):  
Carol Mei Barker

“In China, what makes an image true is that it is good for people to see it.” - Susan Sontag, On Photography, 1971 The Olympic Games gave the world an opportunity to read Beijing’s powerful image-text following thirty years of rapid transformation. David Harvey argues that this transformation has turned Beijing from “a closed backwater, to an open centre of capitalist dynamism.” However, in the creation of this image-text, another subtler and altogether very different image-text has been deliberately erased from the public gaze. This more concealed image-text offers a significant counter narrative on the city’s public image and criticises the simulacrum constructed for the 2008 Olympics, both implicitly and explicitly. It is the ‘everyday’ image-text of a disappearing city still in the process of being bulldozed to make way for the neoliberal world’s next megalopolis. It exists most prominently as a filmic image text; in film documentaries about a ‘real’ hidden Beijing just below the surface of the government sponsored ‘optical artefact.’ Film has thus become a key medium through which to understand and preserve a physical city on the verge of erasure.


Author(s):  
Mohammad Hamed Patmal ◽  
Habiburrahman Shiran

This research investigates the factors that potentially affect public attitudes and their adoption of renewable energy technologies for electrical energy production in Afghanistan. The study is carried out with a survey from Kabul and its neighboring provinces including Logar, Maidan Wardak, Nangarhar, Ghazni, Parwan & Kapisa provinces. We used a random sampling process to collect data using a web-based questionnaire. The survey was well designed to highlight conveniently the public understanding, willingness, and attitudes toward adopting renewable energy technologies (RETs). The outcome of the survey is then evaluated to discover the most potential factor affecting public acceptance of RETs. The results declared that the educational level, expertise in RETs, and income of respondents are positively related, while the age of respondents is negatively related to the public willingness on the use and investment in RETs. The majority of respondents have used one type of RETs, however, 23 % of respondents have not used any type of RETs. Study shows that the RETs use and access to grid electricity are reversely related, where the access is lower, the RETs use is higher and vice versa. Most of the respondents were not well informed and most disagreed with the government policies on RETs, therefore, public awareness programs on RETs and government policies are recommended. The majority of respondents were willing to invest in RETs, therefore, the government should commit itself and support private sectors to invest in RETs and take part in its development.


Author(s):  
Jacky Burrows

This chapter focuses attention on sex offenders who, perhaps more than any other 'type' of offender, have been systematically vilified, demonised, and ostracised from mainstream society. The author argues that, for once, the public, the media, the government, and – worryingly – large numbers of professionals seem to be in agreement that such 'othering' is entirely right and proper in what are seen to be the larger interests of public protection. The author explores the implications of this deeply entrenched culture for ‘would-be desisters’ and suggests ways forward that offer individuals opportunities to uncouple from the ‘master status’ of sex offender and to build positive social networks.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 643-653
Author(s):  
Timothy Hildebrandt ◽  
Leticia Bode ◽  
Jessica S. C. Ng

Abstract Introduction Under austerity, governments shift responsibilities for social welfare to individuals. Such responsibilization can be intertwined with pre-existing social stigmas, with sexually stigmatized individuals blamed more for health problems due to “irresponsible” sexual behavior. To understand how sexual stigma affects attitudes on government healthcare expenditures, we examine public support for government-provisioned PrEP in England at a time when media narratives cast the drug as an expensive benefit for a small, irresponsible social group and the National Health Service’s long-term sustainability was in doubt. Methods This paper uses data from an original survey (N = 738) conducted in September 2016, when public opinion should be most sensitive to sexual stigma. A survey experiment tests how the way beneficiaries of PrEP were described affected support for NHS provision of it. Contrary to expectations, we found that support was high (mean = 3.86 on a scale of 1 to 5) irrespective of language used or beneficiary group mentioned. Differences between conditions were negligible. Discussion Sexual stigma does not diminish support for government-funded PrEP, which may be due to reverence for the NHS; resistance to responsibilization generally; or just to HIV, with the public influenced by sympathy and counter-messaging. Social policy implications Having misjudged public attitudes, it may be difficult for the government to continue to justify not funding PrEP; the political rationale for contracting out its provision is unnecessary and flawed. With public opinion resilient to responsibilization narratives and sexual stigma even under austerity, welfare retrenchment may be more difficult than social policymakers presume.


Author(s):  
Valentin Grigor'evich Medvedev

The subject of this research is the poorly studied in the domestic historical legal science problem of legislative and administrative activity of anti-Soviet authorities in the territory of the Armed Forces of South Russia in the tax sphere during the Civil War. It is determined that tax legislation and law enforcement practice of the white governments were based on the laws of the former Russian Empire and the Provisional Government, which underwent adequate amendments over time. For pumping up the budget in the environment of economic devastation and rapid inflation, the legislator increased the rates of direct and indirect taxes, as well as introduced the new sources of taxation and revision of tax incentives. The author concludes that due to tax evasion of the population, the revenue from direct taxes into the budget, including commercial and industrial classes, were insignificant. Attempts of the government to concentrate legislative and administrative activity on indirect taxation also did not bring expected results; indirect taxes or non-taxable fees barely covered the expenses on the rapidly expanding bureaucratic bodies of civil administration. It is revealed that the supply of warring armies in such conditions was mainly through the uncontrolled issue of banknotes, which boosted inflation, and thus, plundered the public treasury. Being the main source of filling the state budget, it became one of the methods of comprehensive compulsory taxation. It is stated that due to shortage of budgetary funds, military commanders were forced supply the troops via conducting contributions and requisitions, which in fact was tax in kind and negatively affected public image of the government.


2010 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
HSIN-HUANG MICHAEL HSIAO ◽  
PO-SAN WAN ◽  
TIMOTHY KA-YING WONG

AbstractGlobalization has led to a redefinition of the functions and roles of the state. Based on data drawn from a cross-national social survey, this article examines the influences of globalization on the public's attitudes towards their state in Australia, China, India, Japan, Russia, and the United States, by focusing on satisfaction with government performance and demands on the government. The six countries differ extensively in their sociopolitical and technological situations, as well as in the experiences of their people with globalization in terms of the following aspects: connectivity with the world through personal ties and digital means, English language capacity, and support for the forces of globalization. There are also huge disparities in the public rankings of government performance and demands for expanding government spending in a wide range of policy areas. Our analysis reveals that, although both intra- and inter-country variations in the influences of globalization on public attitudes towards the state are not particularly prominent, those who support globalization not only are more inclined than others to be satisfied with the government's performance, but also demand more government intervention.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 277-292
Author(s):  
Chunhui You

A number of events in China in recent years have been characterized by tensions or controversies between scientists and the public, such as the p-Xylene chemical project in Xiamen, nuclear energy projects, and genetic engineering. Scientists tend to attribute such conflict to inadequate public knowledge of science, leading to misunderstandings about it. However, that view ignores the influence on public perceptions of news reports and online discussions about controversial technologies in new media. Social media reporting affects the audience's perception of the risks posed by controversial technologies and can cause people to lose confidence in the scientific community and damage their trust in government. Thus, the public opposes these technologies. In this context, this study explores the relationship between the public's trust in the scientific community and the government on the one hand and its attitude towards controversial technologies on the other. I surveyed 1,235 people using a national online probability sampling strategy. I found that people's use of new media was significantly related to the extent of their knowledge of specific controversial technologies and was associated with other people's opinions about those technologies. The more attention people paid to WeChat coverage of genetically modified organisms (GMOs), the more supportive they were of them. Thus, the public's use of new media is a key factor in predicting its positive attitude to GMOs. Scientific literacy also significantly affects public attitudes to GMOs, directly as well as indirectly.


Author(s):  
Jose De Assis Moniz ◽  
I Made Sudarma ◽  
I Wayan Suarna

Garbage or refuse is part of the object that is seen is not used, not used, disliked, or should be discarded in such a way so as not to interfere with survival. In general garbage from human activities but which are not biologically and are generally solid. System 3R is one of the efficient ways to carry out waste management in Dili because this way people can cultivate their garbage properly. This study aims to (1) describe the public perception of the 3R system in the city of Dili, (2) Describe the attitude of society towards the 3R system in the city of Dili, (3) to analyze the relationship between perceptions and attitudes in waste management 3R. The study was designed as a descriptive study, with an ecological approach. Data were collected using observation method, method of mutilation of documents, and interviews, and then analyzed by using qualitative descriptive analysis untu first and second formulation of the problem as well as a quantitative descriptive to the third problem. The results showed (1) the public perception of the 3R system in Dili medium category with, (2) public attitudes to the 3R system in Dili enough category with, (3) there is a positive relationship between perception and the attitude of the public in waste management with the value. The suggestions put forward, namely (1) Society of Dili to always constantly updating knowledge related to the 3R system problems in the management of solid waste. (2) The government, especially local government and city sanitation department Dili to always provide training and dissemination to the public of Dili related to the 3R program in waste management in the city of Dili.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-63
Author(s):  
Gözde Emen-Gökatalay

Abstract This article traces Nene Hatun’s popularity and legacy for women’s image in Turkey. The rediscovery of Nene Hatun and the political construction of her public image during the rule of the Democratic Party (DP), as an icon of anticommunist Turkish mothers, not only maps out the gendered effects of intensified anticommunist policies in Turkey in the period under consideration but also showcases the immediate consequences of the growing conservative discourses and gender anxieties on the public images and roles of women. Exemplified by Nene Hatun’s sudden popularity, the 1950s witnessed a change in the references to motherhood in the discourses of politicians and other public figures. Framing the family roles of women as a question of security, such discourses referred to mothers as the protectors of family values against communist threats, which assigned further domestic duties to women in Turkey, already living in a strongly patriarchal society.


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