scholarly journals Does COVID-19 as a Long Wave Turning Point Mean the End of Neoliberalism?

2020 ◽  
pp. 089692052098008
Author(s):  
Sadık Kılıç

The author claims that the COVID-19 pandemic could cause neoliberalism to break, based on four arguments addressed in four sections. The first section demonstrates that such a break is possible within the long wave theory framework. The second section points out that the neoliberal long wave was created by certain social and political actors from the 1980s onward and has already entered the downswing period since 2008. The third section shows that COVID-19 creates an economic crisis that causes an ideological transformation that further weakens neoliberalism. The fourth section emphasizes that the attitudes of industrial relations actors (and conflicts between them) will affect the shaping of the post-COVID-19 period. As a result, the trade union political action will be crucial in the coming years to revive themselves and create more regulated capital–labor relations.

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eddie Cottle

Despite the profound changes in capitalist development since the industrial revolution, strike waves and mass strikes are still a feature of the twenty-first century. This article examines two Marxist theories that seek to explain the temporal aspects of strike waves. In the main, I argue that Silver’s product cycle theory, suffers from an over-determinism, and that turning point strike waves are not mainly determined by lead industries. Mandel’s long wave theory argues that technological innovations tend to cluster and thus workers in different industries feature prominently in strike waves. By re-examining and comparing two competing Marxist theories on the temporality of strike waves and turning points, I will attempt to highlight the similarities but also place emphasis on where the theories differ. I examine the applicability of the theories to the South African case, and reference recent world events in order to ascertain the explanatory power of the competing theories. In the main I argue that Silver’s product cycle lead theory does not fit the South African experience. KEYWORDS  turning point strike waves; product cycle; long waves; capitalism


2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 577-598
Author(s):  
Bruce E Kaufman

This article provides a short overview of the analysis in John Kelly’s 1998 book Rethinking Industrial Relations ( RIR) of long-run cycles and trends in worker collective mobilization and conflict, Kelly’s development of a model to explain these patterns, the model’s integrative combination of ideas drawn from Kondratiev long wave theory, Marxian political economy, and Tilly’s sociological model of social mobilization theory, and the book’s central prediction – a resurgence in union growth and industrial conflict. The second part of the article provides a critical evaluation of RIR as a general work in industrial relations theory, the strengths and weaknesses of Kelly’s theoretical model, and an assessment of its empirical explanatory power. The conclusion is that RIR provides an insightful conceptual framework for studying worker mobilization but falls short in both theory and empirical explanation because of defects in its Marxian/long wave foundation and overly British-centric focus.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 59-75
Author(s):  
JAROSLAV KLÁTIK ◽  
◽  
LIBOR KLIMEK

The work deals with implementation of electronic monitoring of sentenced persons in the Slovak Republic. It is divided into eight sections. The first section introduces restorative justice as a prerequisite of electronic monitoring in criminal proceedings. While the second section points out at the absence of legal regulation of electronic monitoring of sentenced persons at European level, the third section points out at recommendations of the Council of Europe addressed to European States. The fourth section analyses relevant alternative punishments in Slovak criminal justice. The fifth section introduces early beginnings of implementation of concerned system - the pilot project “Electronic Personnel Monitoring System” of the Ministry of Justice of the Slovak Republic. While the sixth section is focused on Slovak national law regulating electronic monitoring of sentenced persons - the Act No. 78/2015 Coll. on Control of the Enforcement of Certain Decisions by Technical Instruments, the seventh section is focused on further amendments of Slovak national law - namely the Act No. 321/2018 Coll. and the Act No. 214/2019 Coll. The last eight section introduces costs of system implementation and its operation.


Author(s):  
Agustín Rayo

This article is divided into four sections. The first two identify different logicist theses, and show that their truth-values can be established given minimal assumptions. The third section sets forth a notion of “content-recarving” as a possible constraint on logicist theses. The fourth section—which is largely independent from the rest of the article—is a discussion of “neologicism.”


Human Affairs ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 328-342
Author(s):  
László Bernáth ◽  
János Tőzsér

AbstractOur paper consists of four parts. In the first part, we describe the challenge of the pervasive and permanent philosophical disagreement over philosophers’ epistemic self-esteem. In the second part, we investigate the attitude of philosophers who have high epistemic self-esteem even in the face of philosophical disagreement and who believe they have well-grounded philosophical knowledge. In the third section, we focus on the attitude of philosophers who maintain a moderate level of epistemic self-esteem because they do not attribute substantive philosophical knowledge to themselves but still believe that they have epistemic right to defend substantive philosophical beliefs. In the fourth section, we analyse the attitude of philosophers who have a low level of epistemic self-esteem in relation to substantive philosophical beliefs and make no attempt to defend those beliefs. We argue that when faced with philosophical disagreement philosophers either have to deny that the dissenting philosophers are their epistemic peers or have to admit that doing philosophy is less meaningful than it seemed before. In this second case, philosophical activity and performance should not contribute to the philosophers’ overall epistemic self-esteem to any significant extent.


1981 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 392-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Ware

This article presents an analysis of the concept of political equality that is derived partly from the analysis of Robert Dahl. Following an introductory section, the conservative nature of Dahl's idea of political equality is outlined from four perspectives. With the last of these perspectives, a distinction between ‘populist’ and ‘liberal’ theories of democracy is introduced. In the third section it is argued that there are three components of political equality within a liberal theory, and the fourth section is devoted to an analysis of one of these—equality of treatment in the promotion of interests.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan Harris Parker

The press is a constitutive part of our society. It helps create national identities and formulates society's understanding of itself and its place in the world. Moreover, a free press is indispensable for ensuring the vibrancy of a democracy. For these reasons, a close inspection of news, and an evaluation of its performance, is crucial. We must look to the development of the mass press at the turn of the twentieth century to locate the beginnings of journalistic objectivity and the type of news we are familiar with today. The first section of this paper offers a review of accounts of this transformational period, placing opposing theories within the larger framework of the frictions between cultural studies and political economy, and underscores the need for a holistic understanding of the period. The second section chronicles the press's articulation of its new professional tenets, offers a definition of journalistic objectivity, and reveals its intrinsic limitations. The third section details how the modern press's ideal democratic mandate has been compromised, with the influence of the press being used instead to ensconce powerful interests. And the fourth section outlines the calls for a redefinition of journalism in light of the failures covered in the preceding section. Finally, The Daily Show with Jon Stewart is offered as an alternative journalistic form that transcends the dangerous dogma of traditional news outlets, allowing it to fulfill the democratic responsibility of the press by encouraging a critical and astute citizenry.


1996 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-301
Author(s):  
Wesley D. Chapin

At the beginning of 1995, nearly two million Turkish nationals were living in Germany. While this represents only about 2.5% of the total population, the Turkish minority significantly influences German politics. As the single largest group of “foreigners” living in Germany, the Turkish population is a prime target of rightwing violence. Questions regarding Turkish rights to residency, work permits, and citizenship are controversial domestic political issues and their presence affects international relations between Germany and Turkey. This article examines the Turkish diaspora in Germany and its implications for Germany’s domestic and international politics. The first section identifies the status of the Turks living in Germany. The second traces the growth of the Turkish population in Germany. The third evaluates the domestic political and economic effects that the Turkish presence engenders, as well as prospects for assimilation. The fourth section identifies ways that international relations are influenced by the Turkish minority in Germany.


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