The ‘revolution’ of 1911 revisited: A review of contemporary studies in China

2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-274
Author(s):  
Wang Guo

Reviewing the last decade of Chinese-language scholarship on the 1911 Revolution, this article suggests that we should view the Revolution in richer ways, rather than simply focusing on the political event on 10 October 1911. By contextualizing the revolution in its world, this article argues that it is necessary to view 1911 in its own terms and in global perspective in order to articulate historical continuities and discontinuities beyond 1911. How did, does, and will the spirit of modern revolution function and reshape the mental landscape in China’s past, present, and future? The revolution is considered here to be not only a transhistorical source of transformation but also part of the restructuring of social life and ideals. Revolution has become the ontological ground of China’s modern society. The meaning of the spirit of revolution lay in providing the Chinese people with a space of hope, where they could transcend current disappointment and discontent, and pursue political, economic, and cultural visions to fundamentally change their world. For individuals, revolution offered a means of meeting personal needs; for the nation, the revolution has meant the unending pursuit of ‘standing up, enriching up, and strengthening up’.

Harmoni ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-240
Author(s):  
M. Alie Humaedi

The relationship between Islam and Christianity in various regions is often confronted with situations caused by external factors. They no longer debate the theological aspect, but are based on the political economy and social culture aspects. In the Dieng village, the economic resources are mostly dominated by Christians as early Christianized product as the process of Kiai Sadrach's chronicle. Economic mastery was not originally as the main trigger of the conflict. However, as the political map post 1965, in which many Muslims affiliated to the Indonesian Communist Party convert to Christianity, the relationship between Islam and Christianity is heating up. The question of the dominance of political economic resources of Christians is questionable. This research to explore the socio cultural and religious impact of the conversion of PKI to Christian in rural Dieng and Slamet Pekalongan and Banjarnegara. This qualitative research data was extracted by in-depth interviews, observations and supported by data from Dutch archives, National Archives and Christian Synod of Salatiga. Research has found the conversion of the PKI to Christianity has sparked hostility and deepened the social relations of Muslims and Christians in Kasimpar, Petungkriono and Karangkobar. The culprit widened by involving the network of Wonopringgo Islamic Boarding. It is often seen that existing conflicts are no longer latent, but lead to a form of manifest conflict that decomposes in the practice of social life.


Author(s):  
Robert Mickey

This chapter examines how the southern authoritarian enclaves experienced different modes of democratization in light of the deathblows of federal legislation, domestic insurgencies, and National Democratic Party reform in the 1960s and early 1970s. As enclave rulers came to believe that change was inevitable, most sought to harness the revolution, striking a fine balance between resisting federal intervention without appearing too defiant, and accepting some change without appearing too quiescent. Pursuing a “harnessed revolution” meant influencing the pace of seemingly inevitable change; it served the overarching goals of protecting the political careers of enclave rulers and the interests of many of their political-economic clients. The chapter considers how prior responses to democratization pressures, factional conflict, and party–state institutions shaped modes of democratization. It shows that the growth of Republicans in the Deep South was to varying degrees both consequence and cause of rulers' responses to democratization pressures.


Author(s):  
Joel Gordon

This chapter examines the rhetoric of the March crisis as well as the ideals proferred and the programs espoused by both sides. In the wake of the March crisis, the Command Council of the Revolution (CCR) announced steps to end the period of transitional rule and facilitate the return of parliamentary life. It also proclaimed an end to all press censorship. The chapter first considers the debates over issues confronting the CCR, including the constituent assembly that would work on a new constitution, the idea of limiting the number of political parties in Egypt, and the political, economic, and social status of women. It also discusses the impact of the March crisis on the Democratic Movement for National Liberation (DMNL) and other communist movements, along with the notion that the liberal intelligentsia failed to support the revolution.


Author(s):  
Daniel Hutagalung

Hugo Chávez appeared and emerged in Venezuela under political-economic crisis. This article argues that his power struggle supported by the people because Chavez vision and mission are to favour the people inrerest, and he takes care about people. . Chave political project, as stated Ellner as non- revolutionary path of radical populism, expressed through various political program missions, namely to encourage social revolutionary program, but not in the political project of the revolution, at least during the Chávez powers throughout 1998-2006. However, Ellner mentioned that non- revolutionary path of radical populism can also lead to revolutionary-path, meaning that political poryek Chávez is still unfinished and still possible to reach a variety of changes, whether the "Bolivarian Revolution" will take the form of non-revolutionary transformation, or even revolutionary- path.


Author(s):  
Ešref Kenan Rašidagić

Since Bosnia and Herzegovina’s declaration of independence in 1995, its path has been a rocky one. Unwillingness by the international community to stand by the central government and stand in the way of the neighboring states of Serbia and Croatia’s territorial pretensions, produced a succession of ceasefire agreements, culminating in the final, Dayton Peace Agreement. Each of these agreements espoused the ethnic principle as the guiding philosophy for the organization of the state. The post-war period demonstrates that despite the passage of time, the principle of organization of multi-ethnic state along ethnic lines presents a stumbling block to the functioning of the political, economic and social life in the country. The political history of post-independence Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) therefore reads as a history of protracted political paralysis, with no hope of rectifying the problems without another forceful intervention of the international community.


Author(s):  
Chris Fairweather

There has been much debate in the columns of newspapers as to how we should understand the sharing economy, but as yet, much of the debate is largely superficial, garnering little attention in terms of rigorous academic analysis. In this paper, I argue that the rise of the capital-extractive sharing economy model employed by companies like Uber and Airbnb cannot be understood outside of the political-economic context from which it emerges. Drawing on the work of Marxist scholars like David Harvey, I analyze such models through the lens of primitive accumulation, positioning their development as positive evidence of Harvey’s theory that capitalism seeks to colonize new spheres of social life in order to offload the tensions of its own internal conflicts; in this case, labour market insecurity. Further, I argue that the rise of the capital-extractive sharing economy should be recognized as constituting a further entrenchment of the global neoliberal project, particularly as it stands to affect union organizing, force deregulation in favour of free market fundamentals, and further deepen the labour market insecurity from which it rises in the first place.


Author(s):  
Yu. V. Kobets ◽  
T. B. Madryha

During the period of complexity of systemic reforms in modern Ukraine, the big importance of the qualities and actions of the political elite become on the first hand. Еhe ability to fulfill urgent tasks of democratic arrangement of different spheres of social life depends on these qualities and actions of the political elite. The article analyzes the problem of the quality of the political elite in Ukraine. The article proves the importance of forming a professional, effective, active, qualitative elite in the conditions of state building. The basic ideas of the founders of elitology are described, the content of the concepts "elite", "establishment", "political class" is revealed. The conclusions about the main stages of formation of political elites in Ukraine are made. It is proved that the process of forming a truly leading elite group is underway, which can unite the political, economic and cultural revival of our state.


Author(s):  
Walter Armbrust

This chapter discusses the material frame of Tahrir Square. As a space, it has been shaped by the political-economic policies of the past four decades, which essentially turned it into an antihuman space, nominally suitable only as a “nonplace” that people passed through. A liberalized economy under the umbrella of a state that systematically redistributed income upward shaped demands for “bread, freedom, and social justice” as surely as it walled off Bulaq from communication with its urban surroundings, segregated Garden City to protect the imperial agents of the “Washington consensus,” and prepared downtown for private redevelopment. The causes of the revolution were inscribed in the urban fabric of its primary theater. It should be emphasized that the revolution-era character of Tahrir Square is incomprehensible without linking it to the growth of the formal parts of the expanding city, specifically the suburbs and their gated communities. But it is equally incomprehensible without similarly linking it to the even more significant growth of the informal parts of the city, and indeed the more general character of informality in many spheres of life, most significantly labor, which was systematically made precarious by the same design that poured resources into the new cities and slated Bulaq for extinction. However, the quotidian antihuman Tahrir Square depicted in the chapter has greater depth as a performance space than one might think.


1947 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 479-515 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. G. C. Anderson

(a) Scope of Paper.—The distinction between Highlands and Lowlands is a most striking feature of the topography of Scotland and has for long played an important part in the political, economic and social life of the country. Although the dividing line between the two regions, in a purely geographical sense, is ill-defined in some districts, on the whole it coincides fairly closely with a powerful geological dislocation which can be traced across Scotland from Stonehaven to Arran (fig. 1), a distance of 160 miles. This dislocation has for long been termed the Highland Boundary Fault. On detailed study it is found to be only one of several faults making up a complex fracture-zone, one of the most important in the British Isles, within which movements on a considerable scale have taken place from Ordovician to Carboniferous times.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document