scholarly journals Hugo Chávez dan Kebangkitan Populisme-Kiri Amerika Latin: Venezuela Era Hugo Chávez (1998-2006)

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 56-73
Author(s):  
Daniel Hutagalung
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Bolivarian Revolution ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Program ◽  
Political Project ◽  
Hugo Chavez ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Revolution

Hugo Chávez appeared and emerged in Venezuela under political-economic crisis. This article argues that his power struggle supported by the people because Chavez vision and mission are to favour the people inrerest, and he takes care about people. . Chave political project, as stated Ellner as non- revolutionary path of radical populism, expressed through various political program missions, namely to encourage social revolutionary program, but not in the political project of the revolution, at least during the Chávez powers throughout 1998-2006. However, Ellner mentioned that non- revolutionary path of radical populism can also lead to revolutionary-path, meaning that political poryek Chávez is still unfinished and still possible to reach a variety of changes, whether the "Bolivarian Revolution" will take the form of non-revolutionary transformation, or even revolutionary- path.

scholarly journals Authoritarian Populism in Indonesia: The Role of the Political Campaign Industry in Engineering Consent and Coercion

2021 ◽  
pp. 186810342110278
Author(s):  
Inaya Rakhmani ◽  
Muninggar Sri Saraswati
Keyword(s):  
Social Inequalities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Young Voters ◽  
Political Discourses ◽  
Authoritarian Populism ◽  
The People

All around the globe, populism has become increasingly prominent in democratic societies in the developed and developing world. Scholars have attributed this rise at a response to the systematic reproduction of social inequalities entwined with processes of neoliberal globalisation, within which all countries are inextricably and dynamically linked. However, to theorise populism properly, we must look at its manifestations in countries other than the West. By taking the case of Indonesia, the third largest democracy and the largest economy in Southeast Asia, this article critically analyses the role of the political campaign industry in mobilising narratives in electoral discourses. We use the Gramscian notion of consent and coercion, in which the shaping of populist narratives relies on mechanisms of persuasion using mass and social media. Such mechanisms allow the transformation of political discourses in conjunction with oligarchic power struggle. Within this struggle, political campaigners narrate the persona of political elites, while cyber armies divide and polarise, to manufacture allegiance and agitation among the majority of young voters as part of a shifting social base. As such, we argue that, together, the narratives – through engineering consent and coercion – construct authoritarian populism that pits two crowds of “the people” against each other, while aligning them with different sections of the “elite.”

The ‘revolution’ of 1911 revisited: A review of contemporary studies in China

2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-274
Author(s):  
Wang Guo
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Global Perspective ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese People ◽  
Political Event ◽  
The 1911 Revolution ◽  
Standing Up ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Revolution

Reviewing the last decade of Chinese-language scholarship on the 1911 Revolution, this article suggests that we should view the Revolution in richer ways, rather than simply focusing on the political event on 10 October 1911. By contextualizing the revolution in its world, this article argues that it is necessary to view 1911 in its own terms and in global perspective in order to articulate historical continuities and discontinuities beyond 1911. How did, does, and will the spirit of modern revolution function and reshape the mental landscape in China’s past, present, and future? The revolution is considered here to be not only a transhistorical source of transformation but also part of the restructuring of social life and ideals. Revolution has become the ontological ground of China’s modern society. The meaning of the spirit of revolution lay in providing the Chinese people with a space of hope, where they could transcend current disappointment and discontent, and pursue political, economic, and cultural visions to fundamentally change their world. For individuals, revolution offered a means of meeting personal needs; for the nation, the revolution has meant the unending pursuit of ‘standing up, enriching up, and strengthening up’.

Harnessing the Revolution?

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Mickey
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Deep South ◽  
Political Careers ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Federal Intervention ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Party State ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter examines how the southern authoritarian enclaves experienced different modes of democratization in light of the deathblows of federal legislation, domestic insurgencies, and National Democratic Party reform in the 1960s and early 1970s. As enclave rulers came to believe that change was inevitable, most sought to harness the revolution, striking a fine balance between resisting federal intervention without appearing too defiant, and accepting some change without appearing too quiescent. Pursuing a “harnessed revolution” meant influencing the pace of seemingly inevitable change; it served the overarching goals of protecting the political careers of enclave rulers and the interests of many of their political-economic clients. The chapter considers how prior responses to democratization pressures, factional conflict, and party–state institutions shaped modes of democratization. It shows that the growth of Republicans in the Deep South was to varying degrees both consequence and cause of rulers' responses to democratization pressures.

"Stability, in Whatever Guise"

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Gordon
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Status ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Status Of Women ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter examines the rhetoric of the March crisis as well as the ideals proferred and the programs espoused by both sides. In the wake of the March crisis, the Command Council of the Revolution (CCR) announced steps to end the period of transitional rule and facilitate the return of parliamentary life. It also proclaimed an end to all press censorship. The chapter first considers the debates over issues confronting the CCR, including the constituent assembly that would work on a new constitution, the idea of limiting the number of political parties in Egypt, and the political, economic, and social status of women. It also discusses the impact of the March crisis on the Democratic Movement for National Liberation (DMNL) and other communist movements, along with the notion that the liberal intelligentsia failed to support the revolution.

scholarly journals A Starving Revolution: ID Cards and Food Rationing in Bolivarian Venezuela

2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 590-595 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jose Ragas
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Database System ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Bolivarian Revolution ◽  
Surveillance Technology ◽  
Identity Card ◽  
The Government ◽  
Identity Cards ◽  
Hugo Chavez

In this essay, I examine the controversy around the “Carnet de la Patria,” a national identity card issued in Venezuela in December 2016. I argue that this ID card belongs to a larger project of surveillance and regulation of identity developed by the Bolivarian Revolution and implemented by the late Hugo Chavez and continued by current president Nicolas Maduro. Amid its worst economic crisis, the government claims that the new ID card will allow citizens a better access to goods from supermarkets, replacing the fingerprint system (“captahuella”) that provoked massive protests in 2014. Opponents to this document have highlighted the parallel with the cards that exist in Cuba (“ration books”), and the manipulation of the database system to benefit only those who support the government and are already registered in previous official databases. The Venezuelan case provides an intriguing scenario that defies the regional region addressed to provide personal cards to undocumented groups. It also provides valuable comparative lessons about the re-emergence of surveillance technology and identity cards in modern authoritarian regimes.

Not really the conclusion

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Briggs ◽  
Rubén Monge Gamero
Keyword(s):  
Harm Reduction ◽  
Current Situation ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Economic Climate ◽  
Social Landscape ◽  
Advanced Knowledge ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Budget Increase ◽  
Methodological Reflection

This is the part of the book where we try and tie things together in an effort to be optimistic about how we can improve the current situation for people who arrive in Valdemingómez. It would normally start with a deep methodological reflection about how we have advanced knowledge before discussing how innovative our methods were. We would then discuss the main findings of the book in relation to the theory outlined before making some comments on policy improvements and recommendations so we can avoid such situations of desperate poverty and fatalistic drug use. Perhaps lots of academics do this so they can feel good about their work, or maybe its more about closure on it. Or maybe its more that they feel obliged to write something which will in fact change nothing; like for example, that we need to make more investment in harm reduction. Aside from being really obvious, given the current political and economic climate this is unlikely to happen. Even a significant budget increase to the harm reduction team would be at best be tokenistic and in any case such gestures would anyway obfuscates the real and meaningful change which needs to take place to the political, economic and social landscape so that Valdemingómez and the people in that space do not end up destroying themselves.

scholarly journals POLICY AND PRACTICE: REFLEKSI PERJANJIAN DAMAI HELSINKI 2005-2018: KESUKSESAN DAN TANTANGAN KEDEPAN

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-51
Author(s):  
M. Ya'kub Aiyub Kadir
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Sustainable Peace ◽  
The People ◽  
Free Aceh Movement ◽  
Cultural Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Economic

This paper is a reflection of the peace agreement between the Free Aceh Movement and the Government of Indonesia from 2005 to 2018. There have been improvement after a decade but there are still challenges that must be realized. The Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (known as Helsinky peace agreement) on 15 August 2005 resulted a consensus that Aceh could have greater rights than before, as stipulated in the Law on Governing Aceh number 11/2006. Thus, Aceh has more authorities to redefine the political, economic, social and cultural status in the Republic of Indonesia system. This paper attempts to analyze this problem through a historical description of the movement of the Acehnese people, in the hope of contributing to increasing understanding of the concept of the Helsinki peace agreement in the context of sustainable peace and welfare improvement for the people of Aceh

scholarly journals Raden Toemoenggoeng Endong Soeriapoetra Sebagai Bupati Bandung

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
Kharista Setyo Nur Utami ◽  
Wawan Darmawan
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Historical Event ◽  
The Political ◽  
Source Criticism ◽  
Good Communication ◽  
The People ◽  
Short Time ◽  
The Revolution

The local historical event that occurred in Bandung Regency under R. E. Soeriapoetra during the revolution era was in a state of a refugee. This was due to attacks carried out by the Dutch who wanted to return to control Indonesia. In general, this study wants to answer the question about “How was Raden Toemoenggoeng Endoeng Soeriapoetra administered of his government amid the political crisis post-independence?”. This research aimed to analyze the local government under R.T.E. Soeriapoetra in Bandung Regency. To discuss the study, the researcher conducted a study using historicalmethods that include heuristics, source criticism, interpretation and historiography. Based on the results it can be explained that even though the administration under R.T.E. Soeriapoetra’s leadership was unstable, the local government still ran due to good communication and cooperation between the leaders, subordinates and the people. The undertaken program was only related to the government’s situation at that time such as making roads, repairing roads and supplying food, clothing for the fighters and also the people because at that time the process of government is in a state of a refugee. So that in his leadership as Regent of Bandung not many programs were made. He also served as Regent of Bandung in a short time which is only two years, starting from 1945-1947, because caught by the Dutch. He was also offered to become regent again under Pasundan State but he refused. He chose to be detained rather thanhaving to cooperate with the Dutch.

scholarly journals Allal Al-Fassi’s Utopia: Liberalism and Democracy within the Revivalist System of Thought

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 202-215
Author(s):  
Hamza Salih
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Democratic Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Liberal State ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Project ◽  
Political Works ◽  
Political Economic

This paper examines the political writings of the Moroccan nationalist Allal Al-Fassi (1910-1974). It argues that there exists a considerable political tendency in these writings with excessive utilisation of jargon related to liberalism and political theory. In his intellectual and political project, Al-Fassi theorises about the possibility of creating a modern state on solid democratic and liberal foundations. Yet, however legitimate and seemingly liberal his theorisation might seem, the paper argues that the formation of a liberal state and a democratic society appears to be a mere dream given the fact that Al-Fassi grounds his conceptions within the Salafist and revivalist intellectual systems. Reading between the lines of his political works, nevertheless, reveals the dominance of Salafist intellections which deem the past and Islam as restorative in attaining a modern renaissance, at the political, economic, and cultural levels.  This work, thus, problematizes three central points: the political tendency of Al-Fassi’s project, his religious and Salafist remnants and conceptions, and finally the possible ideological implications and interests that Al-Fassi seems to defend.  

scholarly journals The Fight for the Power and the Other One in Politics

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
Hasan Jashari
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Statistical Data ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
The People ◽  
Moral Boundaries ◽  
Social Level

In politics we will always have friends, opponents and outsiders. They constantly appear to us and at that moment when we have won one and as such has lost the support of the electorate. But political struggle goes on with other people who use the loss of one to take his post in the electorate. But even the opposition has its announced and not announced opponents. The purpose of this research is that through the theoretical and empirical elaboration of the topic we will collect data on the political power struggle between the four main political parties in Macedonia. By means of statistical data, previous surveys and surveys of 100 students we will analyze various indicators and will make their interpretation. Today, in our political and social level, we all work against one another. To work against others, strategies must be prepared to carry out self-proclaiming to the people, how to deface the opponent, how to elaborate, reveal discoveries about the shortcomings and weaknesses of the enemy camp. It is summed up in the goals - to have information that the other is corrupt, unable,so that we can attack. But the question is that working against others is it becoming a political philosophy and permanent strategy,is it becoming a business, but also a struggle without any moral boundaries, especially in Macedonia but also in Albania and Kosovo.

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