The Material Frame

Author(s):  
Walter Armbrust

This chapter discusses the material frame of Tahrir Square. As a space, it has been shaped by the political-economic policies of the past four decades, which essentially turned it into an antihuman space, nominally suitable only as a “nonplace” that people passed through. A liberalized economy under the umbrella of a state that systematically redistributed income upward shaped demands for “bread, freedom, and social justice” as surely as it walled off Bulaq from communication with its urban surroundings, segregated Garden City to protect the imperial agents of the “Washington consensus,” and prepared downtown for private redevelopment. The causes of the revolution were inscribed in the urban fabric of its primary theater. It should be emphasized that the revolution-era character of Tahrir Square is incomprehensible without linking it to the growth of the formal parts of the expanding city, specifically the suburbs and their gated communities. But it is equally incomprehensible without similarly linking it to the even more significant growth of the informal parts of the city, and indeed the more general character of informality in many spheres of life, most significantly labor, which was systematically made precarious by the same design that poured resources into the new cities and slated Bulaq for extinction. However, the quotidian antihuman Tahrir Square depicted in the chapter has greater depth as a performance space than one might think.

2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-274
Author(s):  
Wang Guo

Reviewing the last decade of Chinese-language scholarship on the 1911 Revolution, this article suggests that we should view the Revolution in richer ways, rather than simply focusing on the political event on 10 October 1911. By contextualizing the revolution in its world, this article argues that it is necessary to view 1911 in its own terms and in global perspective in order to articulate historical continuities and discontinuities beyond 1911. How did, does, and will the spirit of modern revolution function and reshape the mental landscape in China’s past, present, and future? The revolution is considered here to be not only a transhistorical source of transformation but also part of the restructuring of social life and ideals. Revolution has become the ontological ground of China’s modern society. The meaning of the spirit of revolution lay in providing the Chinese people with a space of hope, where they could transcend current disappointment and discontent, and pursue political, economic, and cultural visions to fundamentally change their world. For individuals, revolution offered a means of meeting personal needs; for the nation, the revolution has meant the unending pursuit of ‘standing up, enriching up, and strengthening up’.


Author(s):  
Robert Mickey

This chapter examines how the southern authoritarian enclaves experienced different modes of democratization in light of the deathblows of federal legislation, domestic insurgencies, and National Democratic Party reform in the 1960s and early 1970s. As enclave rulers came to believe that change was inevitable, most sought to harness the revolution, striking a fine balance between resisting federal intervention without appearing too defiant, and accepting some change without appearing too quiescent. Pursuing a “harnessed revolution” meant influencing the pace of seemingly inevitable change; it served the overarching goals of protecting the political careers of enclave rulers and the interests of many of their political-economic clients. The chapter considers how prior responses to democratization pressures, factional conflict, and party–state institutions shaped modes of democratization. It shows that the growth of Republicans in the Deep South was to varying degrees both consequence and cause of rulers' responses to democratization pressures.


Author(s):  
Joel Gordon

This chapter examines the rhetoric of the March crisis as well as the ideals proferred and the programs espoused by both sides. In the wake of the March crisis, the Command Council of the Revolution (CCR) announced steps to end the period of transitional rule and facilitate the return of parliamentary life. It also proclaimed an end to all press censorship. The chapter first considers the debates over issues confronting the CCR, including the constituent assembly that would work on a new constitution, the idea of limiting the number of political parties in Egypt, and the political, economic, and social status of women. It also discusses the impact of the March crisis on the Democratic Movement for National Liberation (DMNL) and other communist movements, along with the notion that the liberal intelligentsia failed to support the revolution.


Author(s):  
Daniel Hutagalung

Hugo Chávez appeared and emerged in Venezuela under political-economic crisis. This article argues that his power struggle supported by the people because Chavez vision and mission are to favour the people inrerest, and he takes care about people. . Chave political project, as stated Ellner as non- revolutionary path of radical populism, expressed through various political program missions, namely to encourage social revolutionary program, but not in the political project of the revolution, at least during the Chávez powers throughout 1998-2006. However, Ellner mentioned that non- revolutionary path of radical populism can also lead to revolutionary-path, meaning that political poryek Chávez is still unfinished and still possible to reach a variety of changes, whether the "Bolivarian Revolution" will take the form of non-revolutionary transformation, or even revolutionary- path.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Laura Maria Silva Araújo Alves

<p>O objetivo deste artigo é trazer a lume a política de caridade, assistência e proteção à infância desvalida em Belém do Pará, do período que se estende do Império à República. No século XIX, a infância deveria ser assistida na capital do Pará em decorrência da política idealizada e implementada pela elite paraense. Assim, a infância que precisava ser assistida era designada de “órfã” e “exposta”. A primeira, dizia respeito, também, à criança que tinha perdido um dos pais, e a segunda, chamada, também, “enjeitada” ou “desvalida”, correspondia à criança que alguém não quis cuidar ou receber. Este artigo está divido em três partes. Na primeira, situo a cidade de Belém do Pará, em termos políticos, econômicos e sociais, no cenário do Brasil República, em interface com a infância. Na segunda parte, destaco as políticas assistenciais e filantrópicas no atendimento à infância no Pará e o ideário higienista. E, por fim, na terceira, trago à cena algumas instituições que foram criadas em Belém do Pará, no período do Império à República, para abrigar a criança órfã e desvalida.</p><p> </p><p><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>The objective of this article is to bring to light the charity, assistance and protection policy for disfavored childhood in Belém-PA, from the period of the Empire to the Brazilian Republic. In the 19th century, children should be assisted in the capital of the state of  Pará as a result of the political idealization implemented by this state’s elite. Therefore, the ones who needed to be assisted were designated as “orphans” or “exposed”. The former ones, not exclusively, were the children who had lost one of their parents; the latter ones, also referred to as “rejected” or “disfavored”, corresponded to the children none would look after or welcome. This article is divided into three parts. In the first, the city of  Belém is situated in political, economic and social terms, interfaced with childhood, in the scenario of the Brazilian Republic. In the second, the assistance and philanthropic policies for childhood care, as well as the hygienist ideas, are highlighted. Finally, institutions created to shelter orphan and disfavored children in Belém, from the period of the Empire to the Republic, are brought to centre stage.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Grão Pará. Childhood. Disfavored Children. Hygienism. Welfarism. Philantropy.</p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 16-34
Author(s):  
Timothy Tackett

The chapter describes Colson’s life and his neighborhood in Paris before the Revolution, prefiguring how this experience would impact both during the Revolution. It describes the rooms in which Colson resided, the other residents living in the same apartment, the Rue des Arcis on which the apartment was located, and the general character of his neighborhood in central Paris, with its small stores and craft shops. The population mix was typical of what would come to be called in the Revolution the “sans-culottes.” The chapter also follows Colson as he circulated in Paris outside his immediate neighborhood, visiting clients, shopping, and stopping for refreshments and meals, including such key sites he frequented as the Palais Royal, the Place de Grève, the City Hall, the Châtelet, the Pont-Neuf, and the Palace of Justice.


2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 109-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry Heller

AbstractStephen Miller attempts to confute the idea that capitalist accumulation characterised the agriculture of the Île-de-France prior to the Revolution. Instead he tries to assimilate the agriculture of the north into theAnnalesmodel of neo-Malthusian agricultural cycles and Chayanovian subsistence economy which is supposedly characteristic of the Midi. I argue instead that the notion of a northern capitalist agriculture is rooted not only in the extensive modern research of Moriceau but in the political-economic writings of Turgot and Marx which have been largely ignored. Accumulation in the sense of the growth of fixed and variable capital and emerging technological progress characterised northern agriculture. The persistence of small producers which Miller sees as an index of unchanging stasis might better be investigated in terms of the evolution over time of a reservoir of wage labour for larger-scale enterprises as pointed out by Kautsky.


Artifex Novus ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 38-57
Author(s):  
Vaidas Petrulis

W latach 1919-1939, wskutek sytuacji politycznej, Kowno zyskało status tymczasowej stolicy Litwy. Te dwie dekady, w czasie których miasto było centrum wielu ważkich wydarzeń politycznych, ekonomicznych i kulturalnych, znacznie przyczyniły się do stworzenia tożsamości Kowna. W tym okresie miał miejsce boom architektoniczny, który zaowocował pojawieniem się wyjątkowej grupy budynków, charakteryzujących się unikalnym połączeniem rozmaitych wpływów i interpretacji modernizmu oraz narodowego romantyzmu. Niniejszy artykuł przedstawia historyczny przegląd kulturalnych i ekonomicznych okoliczności, które wpłynęły na rozwój budownictwa w Kownie w okresie dwudziestolecia międzywojennego. Due to the political circumstances from 1919 to 1939 the city of Kaunas had a status of provisional capital of Lithuania. Two decades of being at the epicentre of political, economic and cultural events greatly contributed to the creation of the city‘s identity. Construction boom of these years left an exceptional collection of architecture behind, with a unique combination of different influences and interpretations of modernism and national romanticism. This article will give a historical overview of cultural and economic circumstances which influenced architectural development between two World Wars.


Author(s):  
Бисер Георгиев ◽  

This article traces the development of the city of Shumen and partly of the Shumen region during the Second World War. Some important issues of the political, economic and cultural development of the city and the region are discussed. Emphasis is placed on the prosperity of the city of Shumen, which is mainly due to the fact that many of the senior representatives of the executive power were born in this city.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayief Fathurrahman

One thing that needs to be understood is that every result of human thought is always historical, tied to the space and time around it. The economic policies issued by Umar ibn Khat}t}a>b, Umar ibn Abdul Azi>z and Ghazan Khan must have certain truths in accordance with the dimensions of space and the cycle of time. However, the form of policy is an effort to solve the problems of the State, especially the economic sector that occurred in the middle of their leadership period. This article aims to examine the political economic thought of three caliphs, namely Umar ibn Khat}t}a>b, Umar ibn Abdul Azi>z, and Ghazan Khan with a historical approach. Political economic policy decided by Umar ibn Khat}t}a>b, Umar ibn Abdul Azi>z, and Ghazan Khan has a character that is flexible. It means however its method, during its goal to create welfare for the people and not in conflict with al-Quran and al-Sunnah, then that policy is applied. This was apparent when some of their policies are not always same as Prophet’s policy, even differ from each other, but with that difference, the world has recorded them as a brilliant decision maker. The policy of the three caliphs teaches us the ultimate determinants of the economic policy of the meaning of welfare (mas}lah}ah) which form the basis of the formulation of one policy. Rigid economic system will only become a separate boomerang for economic growth itself. Because the true that the holy economic goal is not economic growth, but the welfare of mankind as perpetrators of economic activity in this hemisphere. Keywords: Islam, Economic-Politics, Flexible, Welfare


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