Politics in the Service of Society: A Response to My Interlocutors

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 262-270
Author(s):  
Luke Bretherton

This article is a response to Hauerwas’s, O’Donovan’s and Muir’s engagements with Christ and the Common Life. Three distinctions that operate in the book are clarified, namely that between formal and informal politics, bottom-up forms of democratic politics and top-down forms of statecraft, and social and political relations. In setting these out, the distinction between public and private is critiqued and two, interrelated moves made in the book are defended. First, that democratic politics precedes and sustains a liberal polity. And second, that human law and the state should serve the antecedent and superordinate good of association.

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 522-542 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christofer Berglund

After the Rose Revolution, President Saakashvili tried to move away from the exclusionary nationalism of the past, which had poisoned relations between Georgians and their Armenian and Azerbaijani compatriots. His government instead sought to foster an inclusionary nationalism, wherein belonging was contingent upon speaking the state language and all Georgian speakers, irrespective of origin, were to be equals. This article examines this nation-building project from a top-down and bottom-up lens. I first argue that state officials took rigorous steps to signal that Georgian-speaking minorities were part of the national fabric, but failed to abolish religious and historical barriers to their inclusion. I next utilize a large-scale, matched-guise experiment (n= 792) to explore if adolescent Georgians ostracize Georgian-speaking minorities or embrace them as their peers. I find that the upcoming generation of Georgians harbor attitudes in line with Saakashvili's language-centered nationalism, and that current Georgian nationalism therefore is more inclusionary than previous research, or Georgia's tumultuous past, would lead us to believe.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-369
Author(s):  
Alireza Jazini

Abstract The translation policy model by González Núñez (2013, 475) comprises three elements, namely “translation management”, “translation practices”, and “translation beliefs”. While the first two elements of this model are straightforward and easy to study in top-down approaches, translation beliefs can relate both to policymakers and policy receivers. However, the distinction has not been clearly made in this model and the element of translation beliefs has been chiefly treated in the literature as though it comes from the top levels of policymaking, hence overlooking the bottom-up aspects of it (see González Núñez 2014, 2016; Li et al. 2017). In order to improve this model, the present paper draws on the audience reception theory (Hall 1973), and shows that the current translation policy model requires a fourth element that I would call ‘translation reception’. The paper draws on the findings of a reception-oriented case study on translation policies in provincial broadcasting in Iran. This study argues that a more inclusive model of translation policy should not only include the authority-level elements of translation management, translation practices, and translation beliefs, but also the element of translation reception on the part of policy receivers. This way, I hope, the end users’ involvement in and contribution to the translation policy network will not be overlooked in subsequent research.


2001 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Corrales

AbstractThe literature on the origins of democratic institutions is split between bottom-up and top-down approaches. The former emphasize societal factors that press for democracy; the latter, rules and institutions that shape elites' incentives. Can these approaches be reconciled? This article proposes competitive political parties, more so than degrees of modernization and associationalism, as the link between the two. Competitive political parties enhance society's bargaining power with the state and show dominant elites that liberalization is in their best interest; the parties are thus effective conduits of democracy. In the context of party deficit, the prospects for democratization or redemocratization are slim. This is illustrated by comparing Cuba and Venezuela in the 1950s and 1990s.


1982 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Gene E. Bigler

The importance of international exports for Arkansas' economy was recognized belatedly in the state; so, even though momentum was actually built in the 1950s, little additional progress was achieved until the late 1970s. This paper examines both the practical and structural conditions that have impeded the growth of Arkansas' exports and then reviews the progress that has been made in overcoming these obstacles. Contributions from the public and private sectors are considered, as well as problems of coordinating state and federal efforts in order to assist both the manufacturing and agricultural interests of the state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ziyi Wang ◽  
Guibing He

One of the interesting research questions in multi-attribute decision-making is what affects the consideration of shared information (i.e., common features) between two alternatives. Previous studies have suggested two approaches (bottom-up and top-down) in finding what characteristics of common features affect their consideration. Two bottom-up factors (salience and interdependence) were found, but no top-down factors were discovered. In the current study, we followed the top-down approach and investigated how subjective importance (SI) of a common feature affects its consideration. In two studies, we consistently found that, on both the general and individual level, the level of consideration increased with the SI of the common feature. This result provided a new explanation for the effect of common feature consideration and its individual difference; it also provided insights in explaining the underlying process of multi-attribute decision making.


Subject Salafism impact on Muslim societies. Significance Salafism (‘ancestralism’) is an ultra-conservative ideology adopted by a variety of Muslim individuals and organisations. It claims to reveal the authentic Islam of the first three generations of ‘pious forefathers’ (Arabic: al-salaf al-salih) from the time of the Prophet Mohammed. Salafis seek to 'purify' and thereby change other Muslims’ behaviour. These aims can be pursued by ‘top-down’ methods of engaging the state via activist struggle (jihad), or by ‘bottom-up’ strategies of engaging society via quietist proselytisation (da‘wa): that is, with or without violence. Impacts The core salafi doctrine of (‘loyalty [to Muslims] and disavowal [of non-Muslims]’) encourages its followers’ isolation from wider society. Competition for authenticity will further divide Muslim communities by ‘condemning the other’. Salafi-inspired organisations will seek to dominate public discourse and definitions of Islam.


2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (06) ◽  
pp. 705-724
Author(s):  
Sang-Ki Ko ◽  
Hae-Sung Eom ◽  
Yo-Sub Han

We introduce subtree-free regular tree languages that are closely related to XML schemas and investigate the state complexity of basic operations on subtree-free regular tree languages. The state complexity of an operation for regular tree languages is the number of states that are sufficient and necessary in the worst-case for the minimal deterministic ranked tree automaton that accepts the tree language obtained from the operation. We establish the precise state complexity of (sequential, parallel) concatenation, (bottom-up, top-down) star, intersection and union for subtree-free regular tree languages.


2007 ◽  
Vol 10 (04) ◽  
pp. 607-631 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAMIANO BRIGO ◽  
ANDREA PALLAVICINI ◽  
ROBERTO TORRESETTI

We extend the common Poisson shock framework reviewed for example in Lindskog and McNeil [15] to a formulation avoiding repeated defaults, thus obtaining a model that can account consistently for single name default dynamics, cluster default dynamics and default counting process. This approach allows one to introduce significant dynamics, improving on the standard "bottom-up" approaches, and to achieve true consistency with single names, improving on most "top-down" loss models. Furthermore, the resulting GPCL model has important links with the previous GPL dynamical loss model in Brigo et al. [6], which we point out. Model extensions allowing for more articulated spread and recovery dynamics are hinted at. Calibration to both DJi-TRAXX and CDX index and tranche data across attachments and maturities shows that the GPCL model has the same calibration power as the GPL model while allowing for consistency with single names.


1977 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert F. Wheeler

Historical accounts of the First, Second and Third Internationals, i.e., those organizations that attempted to realize some sort of supranational working-class solidarity, have traditionally been presented in terms of congresses, programs and personalities. Invariably scholars have focused on the public and private debates at this or that international meeting and/or how Marx, Engels, Lenin or some other leading figure influenced or reacted to some specific development. In short, the history of the International has been looked at almost exclusively from the “top down”. There is not anything wrong with this approach per se, but it might be of some value to consider, occasionally at least, the people whom the various Internationals were supposed to be serving, in other words to examine the International not only from the “top down” but also from the “bottom up”.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ashvina Patel ◽  

This research examines the subjective experience of human security by Rohingya urban refugees who fled to New Delhi, India, from Myanmar, in 2012. It uses bottom-up, top-down, and historical-to-present approaches to recognize the myriad factors that influence the path to security. The bottom-up approach frames the Rohingya present-day experience; the top-down approach delineates motivations embedded in the current India state and the international refugee regime; and the past-to-present approach explains the perspectives of each of these actors. One urban refugee settlement was chosen as a primary field site to examine the challenges and varied everyday experiences of the city for migrants. Two other urban settlements were selected for supplementary participant observation and the collection of quantitative data. At my primary field site, Rohingya men and women were interviewed to assess their feeling of security (in Rohingya hefazat or in Hindi suraksha). The perceptions of United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) employees, government officials, and community representative were also recorded. Human security, defined as a person-centered security, was assessed on three dimensions: political, economic, and community. Analysis of the data compelled me to focus on what I call political human security. Anthropologists theorize the embeddedness of new immigrants and resettled refugees through acts of cultural citizenship, assimilation, and integration. This study, however, demonstrates that for urban refugees their primary need is basic security. This security is inevitably political; Rohingya refugees are deemed “illegal” immigrants by the state, but are permitted to stay as protected wards of the UNHCR. They assume a refugee identity that both expose them to further exploitation, while also shielding them from starvation and disease. This politically formed identity must be negotiated in daily interaction in order to find security. India is a first country of asylum for the Rohingya in this study. No South Asian country has signed the 1951 Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol, making India a good case study for how South Asia may respond to refugee influxes into urban spaces. India is unwilling to allow Muslim refugees to become naturalized citizens, pointing to religious and cultural factors that produce insecurity in the South Asia region. Furthermore, tensions rise when apolitical agencies like the UNHCR call upon India’s conservative administration to protect a population they define as undesirable. By focusing on urban refugees and their interactions with the state and supranational organizations, this research demonstrates the importance of statehood and citizenship as instruments of sovereignty that uphold human rights and protect against insecurity.


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