The benefits of being a multi-capital: The economic impact of the international and European institutions and interest groups

2021 ◽  
pp. 096977642110440
Author(s):  
Nicola Francesco Dotti ◽  
André Spithoven ◽  
Walter Ysebaert
Keyword(s):  
Data Collection ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Economic Impact ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
North Atlantic Treaty Organization ◽  
International Organisations ◽  
European Institutions ◽  
Multiplier Effect ◽  
Statistical Systems ◽  
Political Value

Brussels is known worldwide for hosting (most of) the European institutions as well as several other international organisations like North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Besides the symbolic political value, their presence has an economic impact because of their administrative activities and staff remunerations. Estimating the economic impact poses two main challenges. First, the supranational nature of these organisations makes it challenging to quantify the size of these institutions and related bodies because country-based statistical systems hardly account for transnational organisations. Second, as these institutions and organisations mainly rely on taxpayers’ funding, policymakers need transparent estimates to assess the implications of their decisions as well as for a matter of accountability. For these purposes, a meticulous data collection is carried out, and transparent assumptions are used to estimate the local economic multiplier effect of these activities accounting for operational expenditures, employees’ consumption as well as (Belgian) taxes and saving. The results show that the economic impact for the Brussels-Capital Region lies between 23% and 26% of regional turnover and 19% and 20% of employment, while interregional spillovers are estimated being around 1.5% to 1.7% of regional turnover and 0.6% to 0.7% of employment for both Flemish and Walloon regions.

scholarly journals How Effective is the European Security Architecture? Lessons from Bosnia and Kosovo

2001 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 540-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Wouters ◽  
Frederik Naert
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
North Atlantic Treaty Organization ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Security Architecture ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Security ◽  
International Organisations ◽  
Council Of Europe ◽  
The World

Security (in a broad sense, see infra, II.B) in Europe is the realm of several regional international organisations, mainly the European Union (“EU”), Western European Union (“WEU”), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (“NATO”), the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (“OSCE”) and, to a lesser extent, the Council of Europe, creating a patchwork of regional security institutions that is unique in the world. These organisations interact in many ways and claim to be mutually reinforcing. Is that the case? Is there room for improvement?

scholarly journals Trading Global Catastrophes: NATO’s Science Diplomacy and Nuclear Winter

2021 ◽  
pp. 002200942199391
Author(s):  
Simone Turchetti
Keyword(s):  
North Atlantic ◽  
North Atlantic Treaty Organization ◽  
Environmental Consequences ◽  
The North ◽  
The Earth ◽  
Science Diplomacy ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
Nuclear Winter ◽  
Scientific Debates ◽  
Public Criticism

This essay explores the reception of ‘nuclear winter’ at the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). This response is paradigmatic of how scientific predictions can work as stimuli for science diplomacy activities, and either inflate or deflate these forecasts’ public resonance. Those who elaborated the theory in the early 1980s predicted that the environmental consequences of a future nuclear conflict would have been catastrophic; possibly rendering the earth uninhabitable and leading to the extinction of humankind. This prospect was particularly problematic for the Western defence alliance, since it was difficult to reconcile with the tenets of its nuclear posture, especially after the 1979 Dual Track decision, engendering concerns about the environmental catastrophe that the scientists predicted. Thus, NATO officials refrained from commenting on nuclear winter and its implications for the alliance’s deterrence doctrine for some time in an effort to minimize public criticism. Meanwhile, they progressively removed research on nuclear winter from the set of studies and scientific debates sponsored by NATO in the context of its science initiatives. In essence, NATO officials ‘traded’ the promotion of these problematic studies with that of others more amenable to the alliance’s diplomacy ambitions.

North Atlantic Treaty Organization

1961 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 326-329 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
North Atlantic Treaty Organization ◽  
The United States ◽  
Ballistic Missile ◽  
The North ◽  
The Press ◽  
Ballistic Missiles ◽  
Medium Range

The Ministerial Council of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) held its eleventh annual ministerial review at NATO headquarters in Paris from December 16 to 18, 1960. The main topic of discussion at the meeting was the announcement by United States Secretary of State Christian Herter of what he reportedly termed a new concept for the operation of medium-range ballistic missiles. The United States plan included: 1) a proposal that NATO discuss a multilateral system for the political control of the weapons; 2) an offer to place five ballistic missile submarines armed with 80 Polaris missiles under the command of the Supreme Allied Commander, Europe (SACEUR), by the end of 1963; and 3) a suggestion that the other members of the alliance contribute approximately 100 more medium-range ballistic missiles by purchasing them in the United States. The press reported that Lord Home, Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom, welcomed the United States proposal and said that NATO should examine the possibility of a medium-range ballistic missile force under multilateral control, a suggestion in which M. Couve de Murville, the French Foreign Minister, concurred. The West German Defense Minister, Franz Joseph Strauss, told the Ministers, the press announced, that concrete decisions on the United States proposal should be taken in the near future, and that plans for NATO control of the Polaris missile force should be pushed through by military and political authorities early in the spring of 1961. The Council of Ministers decided to pass on to its Permanent Comand other related materials, according to the press.

Strategy and the Atlantic Alliance

1963 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 709-732 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert R. Bowie
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
North Atlantic Treaty Organization ◽  
The United States ◽  
The North ◽  
Nuclear Control ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
The Military

The debate over strategy, forces, and nuclear control, which now divides the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), is framed largely in military terms: what is the best way to protect the NATO area and its members from aggression? The military aspects are complex in themselves, but the import of these issues extends far beyond defense. Their handling will greatly affect prospects for a partnership between the United States and a strong, united Europe

North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)

1968 ◽  
pp. 914-917
Author(s):  
H. F. Van Panhuys ◽  
L. J. Brinkhorst ◽  
H. H. Maas ◽  
M. Van Leeuwen Boomkamp
Keyword(s):  
North Atlantic ◽  
North Atlantic Treaty Organization

North Atlantic Treaty Organization

1967 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 201-210
Keyword(s):  
North Atlantic ◽  
North Atlantic Treaty Organization ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
German Government ◽  
The North ◽  
The Hague ◽  
The Government ◽  
German People

The Council of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) met at The Hague on May 12–14, 1964. The Council reaffirmed that the government of the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) was the only German government freely and legitimately constituted and therefore entitled to speak for Germany as the representative of the German people in international affairs. The Council invited Manlio Brosio, former Deputy Prime Minister and Defense Minister of Italy and presently the Italian Ambassador to Paris, to become Secretary-General of NATO in succession to Dirk U. Stikker (Netherlands), who would retire on August 1, 1964.

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