Resisting neo-liberalism, reclaiming democracy? 21st-century organised labour beyond Polanyi and Streeck

2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Lloyd ◽  
Tony Ramsay

Despite its greatly weakened condition, could organised labour again be counter-hegemonic to and ultimately transformative of capitalism? Or is the current crisis, a crisis of collapse of manufacturing and wages and under-consumption due to the loss of redistributive power by key socio-political agents, possibly the final crisis of unionism, as argued by Wolfgang Streeck? Some on the political left, such as Streeck, argue that a new phase has been reached where redistributive and oppositional power of organised labour has been not just defeated but destroyed, with enormous consequences for the future of workers and capitalism itself. This article rejects such an overly pessimistic interpretation and asks what the possibility is of the labour movement’s again playing its historic role of transforming capitalism. It explores the potential role of organised labour in re-embedding the economy within democratic society, as Karl Polanyi argued, and building a socio-economic structure that is both stable and enhancing of social and environmental health. This problem is approached through a critique of the theories of Polanyi and Streeck and an examination of the unfortunate embrace of labourism and accommodation to neo-liberalism in the Australian labour movement.

Author(s):  
Malcolm Petrie

Concentrating upon the years between the 1924 and 1929 general elections, which separated the first and second minority Labour governments, this chapter traces the rise of a modernised, national vision of Labour politics in Scotland. It considers first the reworking of understandings of sovereignty within the Labour movement, as the autonomy enjoyed by provincial trades councils was circumscribed, and notions of Labour as a confederation of working-class bodies, which could in places include the Communist Party, were replaced by a more hierarchical, national model. The electoral consequences of this shift are then considered, as greater central control was exercised over the selection of parliamentary candidates and the conduct of election campaigns. This chapter presents a study of the changing horizons of the political left in inter-war Scotland, analysing the declining importance of locality in the construction of radical political identities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Giancarlo Visconti

ABSTRACTVoters’ ideological stances have long been considered one of the most important factors for understanding electoral choices in Chile. In recent years, however, the literature has begun to call this premise into question, due to several changes in the Chilean political landscape: the current crisis of representation, the high programmatic congruence between the two main coalitions, the decline in the political relevance of the dictatorship, and the rise of nonprogrammatic electoral strategies. In addition to these transformations, Chile switched to voluntary voting in 2012. This article studies whether ideology still informs electoral choices in Chile in an era of voluntary voting. It implements a conjoint survey experiment in low-to-middle-income neighborhoods in Santiago, where voters would be expected to be less ideological. It shows that candidates’ ideological labels are crucial for understanding the electoral decisions of a large part of the sample, particularly among likely voters.


1991 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rob Baggott

ABSTRACTThis article explores the role of political agents, institutions, circumstances, and ideas in the development of public health policies in Britain. The first part attempts to define public health. The second section of the article looks at the experience of the Victorian public health movement. The final part considers the re-emergence of the public health perspective. The underlying theme of the article is that an awareness of the political dimension, both contemporary and historical, improves our understanding of developments in the field of public health. The main conclusions reached are: first, that given the formidable political obstacles which exist, public health reform will only succeed if the reformers themselves operate with full awareness of the political dimension; second, that the modern public health debate is unlikely to be resolved in the short term.


2016 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Filip Reyntjens

This article argues that constitutional engineering along consociational lines in Burundi – explicitly accommodating ethnicity rather than attempting to suppress it – was instrumental in reducing the political role of ethnicity, but that other endogenous and exogenous factors also played a role. After surveying developments since 1988, this article focuses on the 2005 polls. The outcome of the parliamentary elections suggests that the “disappearance of the ethnic factor,” extolled by many at the time, was achieved by constitutional constraints rather than by social or political dynamics. Nevertheless, with regard to the country's most important and lethal historical problem, the ethnic divide, constitutional engineering has proved hugely effective. Burundi's main cleavage is now between (and within) parties rather than ethnic groups, and when violence occurs it is political rather than ethnic. Burundi's current crisis is therefore not a failure of consociationalism but of democracy.


1970 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay Kinsbruner

For Several reasons the British merchants resident in Chile after the establishment of the patriot government in February, 1817, were in a position to exert political pressure. For one thing, they were beginning to increase in numbers and to prosper. For another, Supreme Director Bernardo O’Higgins, whose father was Irish and who himself had lived and studied in England, was predisposed toward the British and their brand of liberalism. The question of recognition was also important. After independence was declared in 1818, the government made a concerted effort to win recognition from the foreign powers. Attention was centered on Great Britain. But perhaps the most consequential factor was the potential role of the British navy.


1997 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-302 ◽  
Author(s):  

AbstractAmong the various negotiations that comprise the multilateral component of the Middle East peace process, the Refugee Working Group faces perhaps the most intractable and sensitive issue of all: the Palestinian refugee question. The experience of the RWG can best be described as one of ``quasi-negotiation,'' in which discussion among the parties has been hampered by differing views as to the role of the working group, and indeed whether it even represents a forum for negotiation. The implications of RWG's insertion in a broader system of linked negotiations is also explored, as is the impact of domestic constraints on the participants, and various efforts by the Canadian ``gavel-holder'' of the RWG to break the political stalemate within the group. Finally, the article concludes by assessing the potential role of mediation and multi-track diplomacy in addressing this sensitive issue.


2015 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
pp. 575-602 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brendon Westler ◽  
Aurelian Craiutu

AbstractThis essay examines the role of “critical spectatorship” in the writings of two distinguished European intellectuals, José Ortega y Gasset (1883–1955) and Raymond Aron (1905–1983). We begin the paper by commenting on the struggle between civilization and barbarism, a fundamental topic in their works. We then examine the rhetoric of going beyond the political left and right, which both Ortega and Aron used in their writings. Next, we turn to the concept of “critical spectatorship” that is central to their thought and comment on the similarities and differences between their forms of social and political criticism. We conclude by drawing a few conclusions on the relevance of Ortega's and Aron's ideas for us today.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Martínez Lucio ◽  
Stefania Marino ◽  
Heather Connolly

Organising as a trade union strategy has caught the imagination of the labour movement over the past 20 years or so. The vast possibilities of new forms of organising go hand in hand with concern about its highly constrained and sometimes hierarchical use. This article looks at key aspects of the debate, focusing on the question of how new forms of organising reach out to more vulnerable and precarious workers. Similar to other colleagues in the field, we conclude that there are political and organisational gaps in organising strategies and that new forms of organising can in some instances be bureaucratic and apolitical. Furthermore, it is important to extend our understanding of the role of trade unions in relation to the state, organised working class constituencies, and social rights, especially as, with regard to vulnerable workers and their organisations, questions of regulation are highly sensitive and challenging.


Author(s):  
Pashmina Mughal ◽  
Sadia Suleman

This article focuses on postulating Afghanistan in the context of geopolitics and its role as a regional ‘connector’ in the emerging global scenario. With the shift in geopolitics, the indicators of the New Great Game also suggest the emerging role of Afghanistan in the context of regional connectivity. However, the discordant society of Afghanistan, the paradoxical nature of domestic politics, and the deteriorating security situation in the country remain vital challenges in this regard. Nevertheless, this article argues that the ‘resetting’ of the international and regional politics provides a broader scope for Afghanistan, in becoming a regional transit and connectivity hub for South and Central Asia to Europe and Middle East. Through intra-regional trade and transit, this connectivity will not only ensure political and economic stability of Afghanistan but will also contribute to establishing sustainable peace in the country. In doing so, the article examines various regional developmentalprojects to explore the potential role of Afghanistan, following the U.S. withdrawal, towards regional peace and stability. Furthermore, it contributes to signifying the political and economic integration of Afghanistan within the region. It concludes that peace and stability are necessary milestones to be achieved for Afghanistan to serve as a ‘regional connectivity hub’.


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