scholarly journals Verba volant, scripta manent? Intra-party politics, party conferences, and issue salience in France

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (5) ◽  
pp. 701-711 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Ceron ◽  
Zachary Greene

Intra-party groups influence parties’ policy priorities. However, scholars have yet to map the pathways with the greatest impact. We argue that party congresses serve as venues for decision-making, allowing speeches and motions to support differing priorities. Considering parties’ internal process, we propose that deliberations and alternate motions independently affect resulting policy statements. We examine this perspective focusing on meetings of the French Socialist Party. We use Structural Topic Models to analyze the issues included in 74 motions, 1439 speeches, and 9 manifestos from congresses held between 1969 and 2015 to evaluate whether factional motions or individual speeches better reflect the content of manifestos and to assess the internal agenda-setting process. Results suggest that motions better predict the content of parties’ manifestos. However, when focusing solely on majority faction, we find that both motions and speeches predict manifestos’ contents. This supports a theory of intra-party decision-making and factional dominance.

Author(s):  
Jonathan Klüser ◽  
Marco Radojevic

Research on policy agendas and agenda-setting has developed into an important subdiscipline of comparative politics, which seeks to understand how political actors allocate scarce attention. The theoretical origins of the field describe agenda-setting as a “conflict of conflicts,” that is the political struggle over the question of which issues receive attention. Modern scholars have expanded on these ideas and turned them into important theoretical models of the agenda-setting process. The most influential of these models are Kingdon’s multiple streams approach and Baumgartner and Jones’ punctuated equilibrium theory. The former analyses the emergence of issues in the separate streams of policies, politics, and problems, whose coupling is necessary for any issue in order to be considered for political decision-making. In contrast, the latter stresses the importance of negative and positive feedback mechanisms in order to explain long periods of incremental policy change and sudden radical changes, which characterize the policy process. Inspired by the second approach is the Comparative Agendas Project, which is a comprehensive and comparative data collection effort about policy agendas using a unified taxonomy. These data enable scholars to research the entire political process from media inputs via government throughput to legislative output. Studying governmental agendas, it is paramount to stress that—against common wisdom—political ideology does not play a decisive role in the agenda-setting process. Rather, both leftist and rightist governments seek to portray themselves as potent problem-solvers and respond to problematic societal condition in order to prove their competence. Looking at the media as one potentially powerful political agenda-setter, it turns out that newspapers and television channels’ power to steer the political agenda hinges on a variety of conditions. Generally, media outlets are most successful in setting the agenda if they report on issues that otherwise would not have been brought to the public’s attention. But even then, the media’s role appears to be restricted to narrowing down the issue menu from which politicians can choose when setting their agenda. The study of political agendas is by no means limited to these areas, as shown by the hundreds of articles that have been published in major political science journals over the past decades. While the agenda approach has not yet developed into a theory of politics, it has certainly become a major subdiscipline of comparative politics, which has helped make sense of the political world.


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilana Shpaizman

AbstractIn the agenda-setting process, prior to the decision-making process, there is a predecisional process whereby some issues are systematically blocked by powerful actors from being placed on the formal agenda. These issues are termed “nondecisions”. This article argues that the predecisional process exists not only at the issue level but also at the level of problem definitions. Because of the empirical challenge of studying problem definitions that are not on the formal agenda, the article suggests examining problem definitions that were on the formal agenda and then disappeared from it. Such problem definitions can be termed nondecisions when their disappearance is due to latent power mechanisms, such as anticipated reactions or information control. The article tests these arguments using two American policy cases: prescription drug prices and child care. In so doing, it sheds light on the predecisional process and expands our understanding of the politics of problem definitions.


Author(s):  
Aaron Delwiche

More than 350 studies have explored the agenda setting hypothesis, but most of this research assumes a clear distinction between reporters and their readers. Web logs erode this distinction, facilitating participatory media behavior on the part of audiences (Blood, 2003). The activities of journalistically focused web log authors give us new ways to understand and measure the agenda setting process. While previous researchers have explored issue salience by focusing on audience recall and public opinion, web logs invite us to consider hyperlinks as behavioral indicators of an issue’s perceived importance. This paper tracks news stories most often linked to by web log authors in 2003, comparing the results to stories favored by traditional media. Arguing that web log authors construct an alternative agenda within the admittedly limited realm of the blogosphere, I note that their focus has shifted from technology to broader political issues. My findings support Chaffee and Metzger’s (2001) prediction that “the key problem for agenda-setting theory will change from what issues the media tell people to think about to what issues people tell the media they want to think about” (375).


1992 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 847-855 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wayne Wanta ◽  
Yi-Chen Wu

Interpersonal communication can enhance agenda-setting effects for issues that receive extensive media coverage but may also interfere with agenda-setting effects by providing salience cues that conflict with media messages for little-publicized issues. The intensity of interpersonal discussions and the respondents' level of participation appear to have less influence on salience but regression analyses show that frequency of discussions is the strongest predictor of issue salience.


2016 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastian Valenzuela ◽  
Gennadiy Chernov

The values-issues consistency hypothesis posits that when the issues covered in the news resonate with people’s values, the power of the news media in setting the public agenda is stronger. However, we know little about the process by which values influence the agenda-setting process. We argue that the need for orientation (NFO) is a key mediating variable of the relationship between values and issue salience. To test this proposition, we conducted two studies: an experiment to examine the causal relationship between values, NFO, and issue salience, and a secondary data analysis of a nationally representative survey, in order to test the generalizability of the experiment’s results. Both studies provide support for the mediating role of NFO, further advancing research on the psychology of agenda setting effects.L’hypothèse de cohérence entre valeurs et problèmes (values-issues consistency hypothesis en anglais) propose que quand les thèmes abordés dans les nouvelles ont résonance avec les valeurs des personnes  le pouvoir des médias dans l’établissement de l’agenda public est plus fort. Cependant, nous savons peu sur le processus par lequel les valeurs  influencent l’établissement de l’agenda setting. Nous soutenons que la nécessité d’orientation (NFO en anglais) est une variable médiatrice clé de la relation entre les valeurs et la proéminence de certains thèmes.  Pour tester cette proposition, nous avons développé  deux études: 1) une expérience pour examiner le lien de causalité entre les valeurs, NFO, et la proéminence de thèmes; 2) et une analyse secondaire des résultats de un sondage nationale où il a été utilisé un échantillon représentative. Les deux études soutient le rôle médiateur de la nécessité d’orientation (NFO), faire progresser la recherche sur la psychologie des effets de agenda setting.


2002 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard H. Steinberg

This article explains how consensus decision making has operated in practice in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organization (GATT/WTO). When GATT/WTO bargaining is law-based, consensus outcomes are Pareto-improving and roughly symmetrical. When bargaining is power-based, states bring to bear instruments of power that are extrinsic to rules, invisibly weighting the process and generating consensus outcomes that are asymmetrical and may not be Pareto-improving. Empirical analysis shows that although trade rounds have been launched through law-based bargaining, hard law is generated when a round is closed, and rounds have been closed through power-based bargaining. Agenda setting has taken place in the shadow of that power and has been dominated by the European Community and the United States. The decision making rules have been maintained because they help generate information used by powerful states in the agenda-setting process. Consensus decision making at the GATT/WTO is organized hypocrisy, allowing adherence to the instrumental reality of asymmetrical power and the sovereign equality principle upon which consensus decision making is purportedly based.


ILR Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virginia Doellgast ◽  
Peter Berg

This study examines how different participation rights and structures affect employee control over working time. The analysis is based on a comparison of matched call center and technician workplaces in two major telecommunications firms in Germany and Denmark. It draws on data from semi-structured interviews with managers, supervisors, and employee representatives between 2010 and 2016. Unions and works councils in both firms agreed to a series of concessions on working time policies in the early 2010s in exchange for agreements to halt or reverse outsourcing. The authors use Lukes’ concepts of decision-making and agenda-setting power to explain these common trends, as well as later divergence in outcomes. Germany’s stronger formal co-determination rights over working time proved a critical power resource for employee representatives as they sought to re-establish employee control in new, more flexible working time models.


2021 ◽  
pp. 000203972199039
Author(s):  
Thomas Kwasi Tieku

Conventional narratives suggest that the African Union Commission (AUC), like most international public administrations and international organisations (IOs) housed in the less materially endowed regions of the world, exercises no meaningful agency on international issues. This article however seeks to show that the AUC is neither a glorified messenger and docile follower of orders of governments nor is it an empty vessel that timidly goes where the wind of governments blows. Rather, the AUC exercises significant agency on issues that affect not just the African continent but also the broader international system. The AUC is often at the heart of international agenda-setting, norm development, decision-making, rule creation, policy development, and it sometimes offer strategic leadership. The article demonstrates six pathways through which the AUC acts like a tail wagging a dog.


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