Changing minds via collective action: Exposure to the 2017 Women’s March predicts decrease in (some) men’s gender system justification over time

2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (5) ◽  
pp. 678-689 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamar Saguy ◽  
Hanna Szekeres

Even though social change efforts are largely aimed at impacting upon public opinion, there is an overwhelming scarcity of research on the potential consequences of collective action. We aimed to fill this gap by capitalizing on the widespread 2017 Women’s March that developed across the US and worldwide in response to Donald Trump’s inauguration. We assessed changes in gender system justification of men and women over time—before and right after the Women’s March ( N = 344). We further considered participants’ level of gender identification and reported levels of exposure to the march as predictors of change. Results showed that gender system justification decreased over time, but only among low-identified men with relatively high exposure to the protests. For men highly identified with their gender, gender system justification actually increased with greater exposure to the protests. For women, we did not observe changes in gender system justification. Implications for collective action and for gender relations are discussed.

2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 757-790 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Prosser ◽  
Jonathan Mellon

Polls have had a number of high-profile misses in recent elections. We review the current polling environment, the performance of polls in a historical context, the mechanisms of polling error, and the causes of several recent misses in Britain and the US. Contrary to conventional wisdom, polling errors have been constant over time, although the level of error has always been substantially beyond that implied by stated margins of error. Generally, there is little evidence that voters lying about their vote intention (so-called ‘shy’ voters) is a substantial cause of polling error. Instead, polling errors have most commonly resulted from problems with representative samples and weighting, undecided voters breaking in one direction, and to a lesser extent late swings and turnout models. We conclude with a discussion of future directions for polling both in terms of fixing the problems identified and new approaches to understanding public opinion.


1997 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 641-666
Author(s):  
Daniel H. Krymkowski ◽  
Henryk Domaáski

This paper tests hypotheses concerning the relationship between social change and occupational and earnings attainment among men and women in contemporary Poland. Utilizing national-level survey data from 1982, 1987, and 1991—3, we examine the effects of social background, educational attainment, and work experience on occupational prestige and earnings. Findings from regression and multilevel models reveal complex patterns of stability and change over time, and a number of interesting results emerge. Most significantly, the effect of years of education on both earnings and occupational prestige was fairly stable before 1989, but has been increasing — concurrently with the rise in the share of the private sector — since the end of state socialism. This increase occurred only among workers outside the service sector of the economy, however. In addition, the results for men and women are highly similar.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Irwin ◽  
David R. Mandel ◽  
Brooke Macleod

As US-China great power competition intensifies, public opinion polling may help gauge internal drivers of foreign policy decision-making. Using Pew Research Center data, we analyzed how Americans and Chinese perceived their own and each other’s countries between 2008-2016. We also compared these samples’ perceptions of current economic and future superpower leadership. While Chinese evaluated China more favorably than Americans evaluated the US, they also evaluated the US more favorably than Americans evaluated China. Among Americans, on average, Republicans viewed China less favorably and the US more favorably than Independents or Democrats. Although Chinese consistently viewed the US as the current economic leader, Chinese became increasingly optimistic about China’s prospects for future superpower preeminence over time. Conversely, American perceptions of America’s future status as a leading superpower became increasingly pessimistic over time, especially for Republicans and Independents. Republicans and Independents were also more optimistic about US economic leadership under Republican presidents, while Democrat perceptions were more consistent over time. We discuss our findings’ implications for US-China great power competition and in view of psychological theory.


2014 ◽  
Vol 96 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-171
Author(s):  
Travis E. Ross

This article analyzes the memories of pre-1848 Alta California recounted in the 1870s to Hubert Howe Bancroft’s agent Thomas Savage by a multiethnic group of men and women. The narrators, regardless of ethnic origin, overwhelmingly told stories that insisted on continuity between Alta California in the 1830s and 1840s and the US state birthed in the late 1840s. Even if they had been on opposing sides of political upheavals, they all insisted that their altruistic efforts had helped to transition California peacefully from Mexican rule to home rule and from home rule to US control while preserving both California’s people and California’s culture. This multicultural memory of continuity was later supplanted by rupture-based Anglo Californian creation myths.


Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries

This chapter introduces a benchmark theory of public opinion towards European integration. Rather than relying on generic labels like support or scepticism, the chapter suggests that public opinion towards the EU is both multidimensional and multilevel in nature. People’s attitudes towards Europe are essentially based on a comparison between the benefits of the status quo of membership and those associated with an alternative state, namely one’s country being outside the EU. This comparison is coined the ‘EU differential’. When comparing these benefits, people rely on both their evaluations of the outcomes (policy evaluations) and the system that produces them (regime evaluations). This chapter presents a fine-grained conceptualization of what it means to be an EU supporter or Eurosceptic; it also designs a careful empirical measurement strategy to capture variation, both cross-nationally and over time. The chapter cross-validates these measures against a variety of existing and newly developed data sources.


Author(s):  
Dennis C. Spies

The chapter summarizes the New Progressive Dilemma (NPD) debate, identifying three arguments from comparative welfare state and party research likely to be relevant to the relationship between immigration and welfare state retrenchment: public opinion, welfare institutions, and political parties. Alignment of anti-immigrant sentiments and welfare support varies considerably between countries, especially between the US and Europe, leading to different party incentives vis-à-vis welfare state retrenchment. The chapter introduces insights from comparative welfare state and party research to the debate, discussing inter alia, political parties in terms of welfare retrenchment, immigrants as a voter group, and cross-national variation of existing welfare institutions. It addresses the complex debates around attitudinal change caused by immigration, levels of welfare support, voting behavior, and social expenditures. Combining these strands of literature, a common theoretical framework is developed that is subsequently applied to both the US and Western European context.


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