Gendering in the electoral run: A media monitoring study of women politicians’ representation in Belgian news

Journalism ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 146488492110324
Author(s):  
Joke D’Heer ◽  
Sara De Vuyst ◽  
Sarah Van Leuven

The present study explores gendered representations in Belgian electoral news coverage. Compared to other Western countries, Belgium has consistently reported a small share of female politicians in the news, offering limited insights into the ways they are portrayed. Starting from the observation that the (mainly Anglo-Saxon) body of work on women politicians’ representation has reported mixed findings, the study intends to provide a more comprehensive analysis by taking political and contextual factors into account. By means of a quantitative content analysis, we monitored news content prior to the 2019 Belgian elections, resulting in a sample of 981 television, newspaper, radio and web-based news items. The findings confirm the persistence of gendered patterns in Belgian news content, regardless of a candidate’s political characteristics. Women were less often represented and their gender, appearance and family life were more often highlighted. Whereas a candidate’s political power provided additional insights into gendering, some differences in coverage between candidates could not be explained by either sex or political characteristics. Lastly, differences between media were limited, though web-based news was more negative in tone.

2013 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Debby Vos

AbstractThis study analyses television news coverage of female politicians in Flanders (Belgium). Women politicians receive less coverage than their male colleagues do. We investigate whether this gender bias can be explained by political differences between men and women or whether a real media bias exists. We examine ten possible explanations, which can be divided into two groups: characteristics of female politicians, such as their function, and of news features, such as the theme of the item. Overall, the lower level functions of female politicians largely determine their limited television news coverage. Nevertheless, female politicians still get less speaking time, even when controlling for all ten variables. Thus, in addition to political gender differences, a real gender bias exists in Flemish television news: Female politicians receive less news coverage compared to male politicians with a similar political status.


10.2196/26031 ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (9) ◽  
pp. e26031
Author(s):  
Candice Biernesser ◽  
Jamie Zelazny ◽  
David Brent ◽  
Todd Bear ◽  
Christina Mair ◽  
...  

Background Monitoring linguistic cues from adolescents’ digital media use (DMU; ie, digital content transmitted on the web, such as through text messages or social media) that could denote suicidal risk offers a unique opportunity to protect adolescents vulnerable to suicide, the second leading cause of death among youth. Adolescents communicate through digital media in high volumes and frequently express emotionality. In fact, web-based disclosures of suicidality are more common than in-person disclosures. The use of automated methods of digital media monitoring triggered by a natural language processing algorithm offers the potential to detect suicidal risk from subtle linguistic units (eg, negatively valanced words, phrases, or emoticons known to be associated with suicidality) present within adolescents’ digital media content and to use this information to respond to alerts of suicidal risk. Critical to the implementation of such an approach is the consideration of its acceptability in the clinical care of adolescents at high risk of suicide. Objective Through data collection among recently suicidal adolescents, parents, and clinicians, this study examines the current context of digital media monitoring for suicidal adolescents seeking clinical care to inform the need for automated monitoring and the factors that influence the acceptance of automated monitoring of suicidal adolescents’ DMU within clinical care. Methods A total of 15 recently suicidal adolescents (aged 13-17 years), 12 parents, and 10 clinicians participated in focus groups, qualitative interviews, and a group discussion, respectively. Data were recorded, transcribed, and analyzed using thematic analysis. Results Participants described important challenges to the current strategies for monitoring the DMU of suicidal youth. They felt that automated monitoring would have advantages over current monitoring approaches, namely, by protecting web-based environments and aiding adolescent disclosure and support seeking about web-based suicidal risk communication, which may otherwise go unnoticed. However, they identified barriers that could impede implementation within clinical care, namely, adolescents’ and parents’ concerns about unintended consequences of automated monitoring, that is, the potential for loss of privacy or false alerts, and clinicians’ concerns about liability to respond to alerts of suicidal risk. On the basis of the needs and preferences of adolescents, parents, and clinicians, a model for automated digital media monitoring is presented that aims to optimize acceptability within clinical care for suicidal youth. Conclusions Automated digital media monitoring offers a promising means to augment detection and response to suicidal risk within the clinical care of suicidal youth when strategies that address the preferences of adolescents, parents, and clinicians are in place.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tetiana Kostiuchenko ◽  
Tamara Martsenyuk ◽  
Svitlana Oksamytna

<p class="EW-abstract"><strong>Abstract:</strong> Post-communist countries undergoing social transformations in the last twenty years needed to implement political and economic reforms. Changes also had to support the principles of equality in the access to power, specifically gender quotas in executive and legislative branches of government and within political parties. The events in Ukraine and Georgia in 2004-2005 known as the “colour revolutions” gave impulse to the promotion of equality and implementation of reforms. However, the number of women participating in national politics in both countries remains low. This paper proposes an analysis of gender equality principles during the parliamentary election campaigns in Ukraine and Georgia in 2012 from the perspective of women’s participation in politics and their self-representation as politicians. This empirical study covers public attitudes towards women in politics and examines networks of female parliamentarians. The findings raise hopes for better representation of women in politics as female politicians promote them from the top down, and mass public perception of gender equality principles set the ground for bottom-up activism.  <strong></strong></p><p class="EW-Keyword">Keywords: Gender Equality, Women Politicians, Public Attitudes, Social Network Analysis (SNA)</p>


Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492091635
Author(s):  
Lore Hayek ◽  
Uta Russmann

Politics in Austria is still a male business. Even though in 2017, women occupied 34 percent of the seats in Austria’s Nationalrat, female MPs are still underrepresented. Moreover, previous studies have shown that women receive substantially less media coverage than men do and this, for instance, disadvantages female politicians to male politicians in election campaigns. Our study seeks to contribute to this debate by adding a longitudinal perspective and substantially underpinning it with empirical data. We use quantitative content analysis to examine whether the election coverage of female politicians in Austrian news media has changed between 2008 and 2017. Our findings show low visibility of female politicians in Austrian campaign coverage that is even decreasing over time; furthermore, the political role a female politician occupies plays a crucial role for her media visibility.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (9) ◽  
pp. 869-874
Author(s):  
Leàn Rolfes ◽  
Corine Ekhart ◽  
Judith Hendriks ◽  
Petra van der Horst ◽  
Eugène van Puijenbroek

Author(s):  
Regina G. Lawrence

“Indexing” is a theory of news content and press-state relations first formulated as the “indexing hypothesis.” At its core, the indexing hypothesis predicts that news content on political and public policy issues will generally follow the parameters of elite debate: when political elites (such as the White House and congressional leaders) are in general agreement on an issue, news coverage of that issue will tend to reflect that consensus; when political elites disagree, news coverage will fall more or less within the contours of their disagreement. Put differently, those issues and views that are subject to high-level political debate are most likely to receive news attention that is wide-ranging; issues not subject to debate receive less critical attention. Indexing theory thus attempts to predict the nature of the content of news about political and policy topics. This notion of “indexing” may not be intuitively obvious at first glance, but it can be understood in terms akin to how economists use the term—as a single number calculated from an array of numbers. Thus, just as a price index tracks variation in prices for various goods and services over time, indexing theory predicts that as the degree of conflict among officials over some political or policy topic grows, so too does the degree of conflicting views found in news coverage of that topic. Conversely, at times when officials are not debating the topic, the range of views included in the news will be correspondingly smaller. Views not voiced within current elite debate will thus tend to be marginalized in news as well, particularly in times of elite consensus, yet topics treated to little critical news coverage in one time period may be treated to more expansive and critical coverage in others. According to Bennett’s foundational article, the indexing hypothesis “applies most centrally to how the range of . . . legitimate, or otherwise ‘credible’ news sources is established by journalists” (p. 107). Indexing thus offers not only an empirical theory of how daily news is constructed but also a normative framework for analyzing press performance in democracy. When the democratic process is functioning well, news that is indexed to elite debate probably offers a reasonably good representation of public opinion. But when elites do not act in good faith or when political pressures hamper elite debate, a press that merely indexes that debate may not be operating in ways that support a healthy democracy.


2006 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 23-43
Author(s):  
Lis Højgaard

Obtaining Power – power, gender and gendered actors in the political arena The gendering of politics in Denmark is no longer manifested in large differences in representation in important political positions or in unambiguous gender specific ways of doing politics or of climbing the political hierarchy. A discourse analysis of interviews with top male and female politicians shows that gender and political are woven together in multifarious ways, while revealing gendered patterns in discursive practices. There are no sharp differences in male and female politicians’ discourses on doing politics, on obtaining top positions in the political hierarchy or on gender and politics. Gendered patterns appear in the way male and female politicians combine discourses on how to get power and in their discourses on the meaning of gender in politics. The interviews revealed three discourses on how to get power: the fight, the party community and the personal stake. These represent distinct ways of characterizing the processes involved in becoming politically powerful. The interviews also revealed two main discourses on the meaning of gender: gender as an explicitly important dimension of political praxis, and gender as unimportant in relation to political praxis. The gendered agents combine these discourses in different ways, which opens different spaces of action and nego-tiation as well as different possibilities for positioning in the political field, possibilities that are reflected by a meta-discourse expressing processes of inclusion and exclusion in the field of politics.


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