scholarly journals ‘It’s a Long Way from Kuusamo to Kuhmo’: Mapping Candidates’ Electoral Constituencies in the Finnish Open-List Single Preference Voting System

2021 ◽  
pp. 147892992098250
Author(s):  
David Arter

This article seeks an insight into the nature of intraparty competition in an open-list single preference voting system, and it does so by analysing the distribution of votes for Centre Party candidates in the 40 or so municipalities making up the northern Finnish constituency of Oulu in each of the five general elections between 2003 and 2019. It builds on Grofman’s distinction between a geographical constituency and a candidate’s electoral constituency to map the ecology of candidate support in a constituency with (1) a larger than average district magnitude (M); (2) a significantly larger than average territorial magnitude (T); and (3) a substantially larger than average Centre party magnitude (P). Setting M, T and P within a party organisational framework, the article identifies (1) a significant disparity between levels of intraparty competition at district and sub-district levels; (2) several contextual factors that act more as disincentives than incentives to engage in personal vote seeking across the electoral district.

Tripodos ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 83-104
Author(s):  
María Díez Garrido ◽  
Eva Campos Domínguez ◽  
Dafne Calvo

El escenario digital ha impulsado pro­fundos cambios en el entorno político, entre los que se puede distinguir el im­pulso de la transparencia informativa. La transparencia se ha convertido en uno de los valores democráticos que los políticos quieren demostrar de cara a la ciudadanía, ya que es un signo de le­gitimidad, evolución y lucha contra la corrupción. Los partidos políticos han introducido la transparencia en sus dis­cursos y argumentarios. Precisamente las formaciones tienen una reputación baja en cuanto a apertura informativa. Este artículo pretende estudiar la intro­ducción de la transparencia en el dis­curso electoral de los partidos políticos. Para ello, se estudia la presencia de la transparencia en los programas elec­torales de las principales formaciones políticas españolas durante las últimas Elecciones Generales (2015 y 2016). A continuación, se realiza un análisis de contenido de sus páginas web, que pretende conocer su nivel de apertura informativa. Esta metodología nos per­mite descubrir si lo que promocionan las formaciones en los programas se relaciona con el desarrollo en sus pá­ginas web. Los resultados muestran las diferencias entre los nuevos partidos y los tradicionales, así como la evolución entre unos comicios y los siguientes.   Political Parties’ Transparency As an Electoral Strategy. An Evaluation of Their Promises and Their Websites The digital scenario has produced pro­found changes in the political environ­ment, and transparency is part of this transformation. Transparency has become one of the most valued aspirations that politicians want to demonstrate to the public, as it is a sign of legitimacy, evolution, and the fight against corrup­tion. Political parties have introduced transparency in their speeches and ar­guments. At the same time, political for­mations have a low reputation in terms of informative openness. This article aims to study the introduction of trans­parency in the political parties’ electoral discourse. To this end, we explore the presence of transparency in the electo­ral programs of the main Spanish poli­tical parties during the last two General Elections (2015 and 2016). Next, we carry out a content analysis of their web sites, which aims to gain deeper insight into their level of informative openness. This methodology allows us to determine if Spanish political parties promote in their programs the same ob­jectives that they put forward on their web sites. The results also show the di­fferences between the new parties and the traditional ones, as well as their evolution between the General Elections in 2015 and 2016.


Res Publica ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-71
Author(s):  
Erwin Das

At the general elections in Belgium, the voter has the possibility to bring out a vote for a party or a vote for a candidate of the party (a preferential vote). At the general elections of December 13, 1987, for the House of Representatives, the voters have voted for 48 % by preference, whereas, for the Senate 38 % of them have done so. The evolution is still stagnating. The use of preferential votes is varying from one electoral district toanother: from 65 % in the district of Tongeren-Maaseik to 33 % in Mechelen.There is also a difference from one politica! party to another. The highest percentage is obtained by the  Christian-democratic parties : 60 % ; the lowest by the ecologists: 23 %.The preferential votes individual candidates obtain differ widely. This is not only as a result of their popularity, but also of their political position and rendering of services.Preferential voting is characteristic to politically conscious voters.


1995 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stergios Skaperdas ◽  
Bernard Grofman

Negative campaigning is an important aspect of campaign competition but plays little or no role in existing models of campaigns. Within the context of plurality elections for a single office we model the incentives that affect the use of negative campaigning. Under simplifying but still quite general assumptions we show a number of results, including the following key conclusions: (1) for two-candidate competition the front-runner will engage in more positive and less negative campaigning than the opponent; (2) in a three-candidate contest with one candidate clearly trailing by a large margin and playing mainly a spoiler role, that candidate will only engage in positive campaigning; and (3) in any three-candidate contest, no candidate engages in negative campaigning against the weaker of his two opponents, so that to the extent there is negative campaigning, it will be directed against the front-runner or it will come from the front-runner. These results have direct empirical applications to multicandidate primaries and nonpartisan contests and can provide insight into recent general elections as well.


Author(s):  
Swetal Sindhvad ◽  
Jayson Richardson ◽  
Alexandr Ivanov ◽  
John Eric M. Lingat

The purpose of this study was to provide insight into contextual factors predicting the extent of principals


Author(s):  
Marko Klašnja ◽  
Noam Lupu ◽  
Joshua A. Tucker

Abstract A growing body of research explores the factors that affect when corrupt politicians are held accountable by voters. Most studies, however, focus on one or few factors in isolation, leaving incomplete our understanding of whether they condition each other. To address this, we embedded rich conjoint candidate choice experiments into surveys in Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay. We test the importance of two contextual factors thought to mitigate voters’ punishment of corrupt politicians: how widespread corruption is and whether it brings side benefits. Like other scholars, we find that corruption decreases candidate support substantially. But, we also find that information that corruption is widespread does not lessen the sanction applied against corruption, whereas information about the side benefits from corruption does, and does so to a similar degree as the mitigating role of permissible attitudes toward bribery. Moreover, those who stand to gain from these side benefits are less likely to sanction corruption.


2015 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ricardo Gamboa ◽  
Mauricio Morales

AbstractIn 1925 a new electoral system was introduced in Chile. This reform changed the electoral formula from a cumulative voting system to a proportional one (d'Hondt) and established new rules about district magnitude and form of voting. It has been argued that this reform was motivated by the emergence of new parties or the expansion of the electorate. This article offers an alternative explanation: in the case of Chile, the main reason for the electoral reform was the parties' need to solve problems of strategic coordination stemming from the characteristics of the Chilean cumulative voting system. In this context, the Chilean case shows that there are many routes to proportionality.


2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (S1) ◽  
pp. 65-66
Author(s):  
Ine Declercq ◽  
Ruslan Leontjevas ◽  
Susan Van Hooren ◽  
Debby Gerritsen

AbstractBackground:Depression is common among long term care (LTC) residents and has a considerable impact on their quality of life. Therefore, there has been an increased interest in interventions aiming at the reduction of depression among LTC residents. These interventions could be described as formal depression care and include psychosocial interventions (e.g., Creative Arts Interventions), psychotherapeutic interventions (e.g., Life Review) and/or (neuro-)biological interventions (e.g., psychopharmacotherapy). Previous research on the effectiveness of formal depression care suggests that treatments should be more individually tailored. Tailoring treatments, however, is a time- consuming process which may hinder the implementation in LTC. A more integrative approach targeting specific groups of nursing home residents is therefore preferred and may benefit both residents and staff. To do so, insight in moderator effects is needed to better understand and better match treatments to specific groups of LTC residents.Objectives:The aim of this study is to provide insight into (1) the effectiveness of interventions, (2) the influence of residents’ characteristics (e.g., residents with cognitive impairment versus residents with physical disabilities) and/or (3) the influence of contextual factors (e.g., group-based versus individual therapy) which may have an impact on the effectiveness of interventions.Eligibility criteria:Various databases (e.g., EBSCO, PubMed, COHRANE Library) are searched using a predefined search string, combining terms concerning our PICO elements (e.g., “Nursing Home Residents” (P), “Treatment” (I), “Depression” (O)). We only include a) randomized controlled trials investigating the use of formal depression treatments (independent variable), b) among LTC residents and, c) having used a standardized measurement tool for, d) depression (dependent variable). Results of this systematic search will be presented.Method of synthesis:Eligible studies will further be screened and assessed for residents’ characteristics and/or contextual factors. A random-effects model will be used to calculate the pooled standardized mean difference (SMD) and to assess the strength of the effects of formal depression treatments on depression. Further subgroup-analysis and meta-regressions will be used to assess the potential moderator effects.Conclusion:To better match treatments to LTC residents, more insight into the effectiveness, moderator effects and core components of the applied interventions is needed.


Author(s):  
Adib Sarkawi ◽  
Aiza Johari ◽  
Azlina Bujang ◽  
Zainon Haji Bibi

This paper identifies the respondents’ views towards e-Voting (electronic technology voting) such as the process, users’ satisfaction, and relevancy, and to determine the usability criteria of e- voting’s interface, in which it employs a quantitative method, using self-administered adapted questionnaires. The survey involves 250 respondents (voters), who immediately completed five Likert scales survey after they had voted for the committee members in two general elections: a social club for the university’s staff (using Internet) and an organization for the female staff of the university (using the Intranet). The respondents were of different demographic backgrounds and they casted their online votes at two different periods (two years difference). The data were analysed using the SPSS software. The study found positive responses from most of the voters in which they expressed their satisfaction that e-Voting was convenient and easy to be used in the voting process, where the system illustrated relevant content and generated adequate procedures. Notably, the usability criteria of the interface of e-Voting as indicated by most respondents are between good to very good scales (navigation, graphic, user-friendliness andconsistency, content, and transparency).


2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Janine Hayward

In 2011 New Zealand held a referendum on the future of its voting system for general elections. Following the referendum, the current voting system was retained, and the Electoral Commission reviewed the system and made recommendations for change in late 2012. In early 2013 the government’s response to those recommendations is still awaited. Recognising the importance of this process, this article considers an alternative approach to electoral reform, drawing on the experiences of Canada’s and Holland’s use of citizens’ assemblies in the electoral policy-making process. The article considers the merits and limitations of citizens’ assemblies for electoral reform, particularly in the New Zealand context. It proposes the form and function of a citizens’ assembly on electoral reform in New Zealand to complement the reform process. Overseas experience demonstrates that, with some caveats, a citizens’ assembly remains a possibility for electoral reform and other constitutional policy change in New Zealand in the future. 


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