scholarly journals Soft Power, Hard News: How Journalists at State-Funded Transnational Media Legitimize Their Work

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 607-631
Author(s):  
Kate Wright ◽  
Martin Scott ◽  
Mel Bunce

How do journalists working for different state-funded international news organizations legitimize their relationship to the governments which support them? In what circumstances might such journalists resist the diplomatic strategies of their funding states? We address these questions through a comparative study of journalists working for international news organizations funded by the Chinese, US, UK and Qatari governments. Using 52 interviews with journalists covering humanitarian issues, we explain how they minimized tensions between their diplomatic role and dominant norms of journalistic autonomy by drawing on three – broadly shared – legitimizing narratives, involving different kinds of boundary-work. In the first ‘exclusionary’ narrative, journalists differentiated their ‘truthful’ news reporting from the ‘false’ state ‘propaganda’ of a common Other, the Russian-funded network, RT. In the second ‘fuzzifying’ narrative, journalists deployed the ambiguous notion of ‘soft power’ as an ambivalent ‘boundary concept’, to defuse conflicts between journalistic and diplomatic agendas. In the final ‘inversion’ narrative, journalists argued that, paradoxically, their dependence on funding states gave them greater ‘operational autonomy’. Even when journalists did resist their funding states, this was hidden or partial, and prompted less by journalists’ concerns about the political effects of their work, than by serious threats to their personal cultural capital.

Author(s):  
Lindsay Palmer

This book conducts a cultural analysis of the labor of the news fixer—the locally based media employee who helps international correspondents research stories, set up interviews, translate foreign languages, and navigate unfamiliar regions. Foreign reporters often say that their work would be impossible without these local news assistants. Yet, fixers are among some of the most exploited and persecuted people contributing to the production of international news. Targeted by militant groups, by their own governments, or even by their own neighbors, fixers must often engage in a precarious balancing act between appeasing their community members and pleasing the correspondents who visit from faraway. Though foreign news outlets routinely depend upon news fixers’ insider awareness of politically tense situations in order to keep their own reporters safe in the field, fixers themselves continually face detainment, injury, and death. Even so, international news organizations almost never provide their fixers with hazardous environment training or medical insurance. What is more, fixers rarely receive professional credit from the reporters who hire them, suggesting that their often life-threatening labor is deeply undervalued. Drawing upon 75 interviews with fixers from 39 different countries, this book argues that although fixers’ labor is essential to international news reporting, it is still relegated to the shadows of the international news industry.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-151
Author(s):  
Deivison Henrique de Freitas Santos ◽  
Francisco Paulo Jamil Marques ◽  
Giulia Sbaraini Fontes

This article compares editorial and news agendas considering O Estado de S. Paulo, Folha de S. Paulo, and O Globo newspapers during the second round of the 2018 Brazilian presidential election. We study to what extent the convergence between both agendas discloses some of the political interests sponsored by news organizations. By using content analysis, we examined the thematic convergence between 144 editorials and news. The hypotheses are: H1) The news and opinion sections within each newspaper converge thematically, indicating a political instrumentalization of the journalistic practices; H2) Newspapers differ from each other when considering the topics covered in their editorials, which is not the case when their main cover stories are at stake. The results indicate that the newspapers do not present a strong convergence within their intern sections. However, there is similarity between the opinionated agenda between the news organizations, which doesn’t happen with the news coverage.O objetivo deste trabalho é comparar as agendas editorial e noticiosa dos jornais O Estado de S. Paulo, Folha de S.Paulo e O Globo durante o segundo turno da eleição presidencial de 2018. Pretende-se, especificamente, compreender em que medida as semelhanças entre as referidas agendas podem revelar, pelo menos em parte, os interesses políticos das publicações. A análise de conteúdo de 144 textos permitiu observar o nível de sintonia temática entre as peças jornalísticas. As hipóteses são: H1) As seções noticiosa e opinativa internas a cada jornal convergem tematicamente, indicando instrumentalização político-eleitoral da atividade jornalística; H2) Os jornais divergem entre si quando são diretamente comparados os temas abordados em seus editoriais, o que não ocorre em suas principais matérias de capa. Descobriu-se que os periódicos não apresentam convergências expressivas em suas seções internas. Todavia, há convergência entre as agendas opinativas dos jornais, diferentemente do que acontece em suas notícias.Este artículo compara las agendas editoriales y de noticias de O Estado de S. Paulo, Folha de S.Paulo y O Globo durante la segunda vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales brasileñas de 2018, buscando identificar si hay similitudes entre ellas. El análisis de contenido de 144 editoriales y noticias nos permitió observar la armonía temática entre los textos. Las hipótesis son: H1) Las secciones de noticias y opinión dentro de cada periódico convergen temáticamente, lo que indica la instrumentalización político-electoral de la actividad periodística; H2) Los periódicos difieren entre sí cuando los temas de sus editoriales se comparan directamente, lo cual no es el caso en sus principales portadas. Se encontró que no hay convergencias temáticas expresivas en las secciones de cada publicación. Sin embargo, los resultados indican cierta convergencia entre las agendas de opinión de los periódicos, lo que no se percibe con la misma intensidad en las noticias.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 305-320
Author(s):  
Ahmed Al-Rawi ◽  
Alaa Al-Musalli ◽  
Abdelrahman Fakida

This study employs the news values theory and method in the examination of a large dataset of international news retrieved from Instagram. News values theory itself is subjected to critical examination, highlighting its strengths and weaknesses. Using a mixed method that includes content analysis and topic modeling, the study investigates the major news topics most ‘liked’ by Instagram audiences and compares them with the topics most reported on by news organizations. The findings suggest that Instagram audiences prefer to consume general news, human-interest stories and other stories that are mainly positive in nature, unlike news on politics and other topics on which traditional news organizations tend to focus. Finally, the paper addresses the implications of the above findings.


Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-66
Author(s):  
Christine Adams

The relationship of the French king and royal mistress, complementary but unequal, embodied the Gallic singularity; the royal mistress exercised a civilizing manner and the soft power of women on the king’s behalf. However, both her contemporaries and nineteenth- and early twentieth-century historians were uncomfortable with the mistress’s political power. Furthermore, paradoxical attitudes about French womanhood have led to analyses of her role that are often contradictory. Royal mistresses have simultaneously been celebrated for their civilizing effect in the realm of culture, chided for their frivolous expenditures on clothing and jewelry, and excoriated for their dangerous meddling in politics. Their increasing visibility in the political realm by the eighteenth century led many to blame Louis XV’s mistresses—along with Queen Marie-Antoinette, who exercised a similar influence over her husband, Louis XVI—for the degradation and eventual fall of the monarchy. This article reexamines the historiography of the royal mistress.


2021 ◽  
pp. 026327642110120
Author(s):  
Alessandro Jedlowski

On the basis of the results of an ongoing research project on the activities of the Chinese media company StarTimes in Nigeria and Côte d’Ivoire, this paper analyses the fluid and fragmentary dimension of the engagements between Chinese media and African publics, while equally emphasizing the power dynamics that underlie them. Focusing on a variety of ethnographic sources, it argues for an approach to the study of Chinese media expansion in Africa able to take into account, simultaneously, the macro-political and macro-economic factors which condition the nature of China–Africa media interactions, the political intentions behind them (as, for example, the Chinese soft power policies and their translation into specific media contents), and the micro dimension of the practices and uses of the media made by the actors (producers and consumers of media) in the field.


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