scholarly journals POLITICAL JOURNALISM BETWEEN NEWS AND OPINION: a comparative study of the 2018 Brazilian presidential elections

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-151
Author(s):  
Deivison Henrique de Freitas Santos ◽  
Francisco Paulo Jamil Marques ◽  
Giulia Sbaraini Fontes
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Strong Convergence ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Journalism ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
News Organizations

This article compares editorial and news agendas considering O Estado de S. Paulo, Folha de S. Paulo, and O Globo newspapers during the second round of the 2018 Brazilian presidential election. We study to what extent the convergence between both agendas discloses some of the political interests sponsored by news organizations. By using content analysis, we examined the thematic convergence between 144 editorials and news. The hypotheses are: H1) The news and opinion sections within each newspaper converge thematically, indicating a political instrumentalization of the journalistic practices; H2) Newspapers differ from each other when considering the topics covered in their editorials, which is not the case when their main cover stories are at stake. The results indicate that the newspapers do not present a strong convergence within their intern sections. However, there is similarity between the opinionated agenda between the news organizations, which doesn’t happen with the news coverage.O objetivo deste trabalho é comparar as agendas editorial e noticiosa dos jornais O Estado de S. Paulo, Folha de S.Paulo e O Globo durante o segundo turno da eleição presidencial de 2018. Pretende-se, especificamente, compreender em que medida as semelhanças entre as referidas agendas podem revelar, pelo menos em parte, os interesses políticos das publicações. A análise de conteúdo de 144 textos permitiu observar o nível de sintonia temática entre as peças jornalísticas. As hipóteses são: H1) As seções noticiosa e opinativa internas a cada jornal convergem tematicamente, indicando instrumentalização político-eleitoral da atividade jornalística; H2) Os jornais divergem entre si quando são diretamente comparados os temas abordados em seus editoriais, o que não ocorre em suas principais matérias de capa. Descobriu-se que os periódicos não apresentam convergências expressivas em suas seções internas. Todavia, há convergência entre as agendas opinativas dos jornais, diferentemente do que acontece em suas notícias.Este artículo compara las agendas editoriales y de noticias de O Estado de S. Paulo, Folha de S.Paulo y O Globo durante la segunda vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales brasileñas de 2018, buscando identificar si hay similitudes entre ellas. El análisis de contenido de 144 editoriales y noticias nos permitió observar la armonía temática entre los textos. Las hipótesis son: H1) Las secciones de noticias y opinión dentro de cada periódico convergen temáticamente, lo que indica la instrumentalización político-electoral de la actividad periodística; H2) Los periódicos difieren entre sí cuando los temas de sus editoriales se comparan directamente, lo cual no es el caso en sus principales portadas. Se encontró que no hay convergencias temáticas expresivas en las secciones de cada publicación. Sin embargo, los resultados indican cierta convergencia entre las agendas de opinión de los periódicos, lo que no se percibe con la misma intensidad en las noticias.

Editorial journalism and political interests: Comparing the coverage of Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment in Brazilian newspapers

Journalism ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 146488491989412
Author(s):  
Francisco Paulo Jamil Marques ◽  
Camila Mont’Alverne ◽  
Isabele Mitozo
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Qualitative Methods ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The Comparative Study ◽  
Quantitative And Qualitative Methods

The article investigates how Folha de S. Paulo and O Estado de S. Paulo – two of the leading Brazilian quality newspapers – expressed their editorial positions on the impeachment of the ex-president Dilma Rousseff. The comparative study encompasses quantitative and qualitative methods to examine 506 editorial texts published between 2015 and 2016. By using Content Analysis, the research found out that Folha de S. Paulo and O Estado de S. Paulo take different positions along the process: each newspaper presents particular arguments to justify the impeachment’s legitimacy; regarding the solution for the political situation, O Estado de S. Paulo fully supports the impeachment, while Folha de S. Paulo asks for the then president and her vice-president to resign. In the end, both organizations agree in their editorials that Rousseff has to be removed from office. At the same time, Folha de S. Paulo and O Estado de S. Paulo try to avoid being seen as actors conspiring against democracy, which makes them dispute whether Rousseff’s impeachment was or not a coup. This research provides the opportunity to investigate to what extent journalism loosens its place as a watchdog to behave as a demanding actor.

Nature of Tweets in the 2015 Nigerian Presidential Elections

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 34-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nwachukwu Andrew Egbunike ◽  
Noel Ihebuzor ◽  
Ngozi Onyechi
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Content Analysis ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Social Engagement ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Election Results

Social media is becoming increasingly important as a means for social engagement. In Nigeria, Twitter is employed to convey opinion and make commentary on matters ranging from football to politics. Tweets are also used to inform, advocate, recruit and even incite. Previous studies have shown that Twitter could be effective for political mobilization. However, there is dearth of research on how Twitter has been used as a purveyor of neutral and/or hate speech in the Nigerian context. This study examined the nature of tweets in the immediate aftermath of the 2015 presidential election in Nigeria. The authors employed content analysis of 250 purposively selected tweets from the #Igbo hashtag which trended between March 29 and 31, 2015. The tweets were then categorized into five explicit hate and one neutral tweet category respectively. Results revealed the dominance of three hate tweet types: derogatory, mocking and blaming. These findings were then discussed bearing in mind earlier theories on the functionality of tweets and voting patterns from an analysis of the election results.

scholarly journals The Election of a Kleptocrat: Viktor Ianukovych and the Ukrainian Presidential Elections in 2010

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-124
Author(s):  
Li Bennich-Björkman ◽  
Andriy Kashyn ◽  
Sergiy Kurbatov
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
Welfare Services ◽  
Orange Revolution ◽  
Western Ukraine ◽  
Hand Image ◽  
The Way

In 2010, Viktor Ianukovych, a candidate whose democratic credentials were disputed and whose shady background hardly inspired feelings of admiration or trust, was elected president of Ukraine. By asking the voters themselves on the eve of the election how such an individual could have won their votes, this article shows that when Ukrainians went to vote in 2010, they evaluated the qualities and the policy-issues associated with Ianukovych higher than those ascribed to his opponent, Iuliia Tymoshenko, even if only slightly so. In a Ukraine that since the Orange Revolution in 2004 has come increasingly to embrace democracy, the 2010 presidential elections marked a certain democracy fatigue that in the end came to favour Ianukovych’s “strong hand” image. Regional belonging is a usual factor in Ukrainian voting, and it played a role in the political assessments of the 2010 presidential election. However, issues of identity and language were among the lowest ranked in both eastern and western Ukraine, far behind the heated topics of jobs, unemployment, and welfare services. Later, identity-politics became more accentuated in the aftermath of the Revolution of Dignity in 2014 and the ensuing war between Ukraine and Russia. In 2010, what united many voters regardless of region was a stronger concern for jobs and welfare services than for democratic commitment in the candidates, or for identity politics. Those more personal issues paved the way for Ianukovych to become the president of Ukraine.

scholarly journals The concept of «crisis» as an instrument of articulation of political interests in the socio-political discourse (by the example of Russian federal and regional mass media)

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 56-74
Author(s):  
Mihail Martynov ◽  
D. Serdyukov
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
Qualitative Analysis ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Symbolic Politics ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
Crisis Situations

The article analyzes the concept of «crisis» as an attribute of symbolic politics, which is reflected in the socio-political discourse. The aim was to study the concept of «crisis» as a tool for the struggle of discourses depending on the political interests of actors. The most important source of modern socio-political discourse is the mass media. In this regard, the study of the manifestations of the concept of «crisis» was carried out using the tools of content analysis and qualitative analysis of the text. As a result of the analysis of the content of the Russian federal and regional mass media, the hypothesis that the concept of «crisis» is used in the struggle of discourses, taking semantic meanings determined by the political interests of actors, were confirmed. The predominance of crisis content in the federal press is recorded. It is also noted that the federal and regional media do not so much broadcast a picture of reality, as they take part in the transformation of ideas about this reality. The data and conclusions obtained as a result of the study allow us to further more objectively assess the motivational and substantive aspects of the escalation of crisis situations in the public field.

scholarly journals Typology of think tanks: A comparative study in Finland and Scotland

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 72-90
Author(s):  
Mykkänen Markus ◽  
Freshwater Neil
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
European Union ◽  
Content Analysis ◽  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Think Tanks ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Politics ◽  
New Approach ◽  
Research Publications

This paper provides a comparative analysis of current Finnish and Scottish think tanks and reviews how think tanks in these countries have evolved, how think tanks seek to influence decision making and engage with their stakeholders. To address the ways of influence this paper looks how Finnish and Scottish think tanks describe themselves and how they use publications in their advocacy. Conducted content analysis indicates that usually registered association based Finnish think tanks are generally more research-focused organisations, who overall deploy more research publications for advocacy than the company based Scottish think tanks. Findings also reveal that the number of think tanks in both countries has greatly increased in the last two decades due to the political challenges with European Union and national politics. The paper provides a new approach to study think tanks in national contexts.

scholarly journals Kiai’s role as ulama and umara: Implications to the pesantren education

2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 202
Author(s):  
Ahmad Adi Suradi ◽  
Buyung Surahman
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Boarding School ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political World ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The World ◽  
Regional Elections

This article explains the dualism of the role of kiai pesantren (Islamic boarding school) in Banyuasin Regency, South Sumatera, as ulama and umara, which was later critically elaborated in this research on its implications to the pesantren education. Substantively, this research was inspired by the results of the study of the authors of the 2018 regional elections and ahead of the 2019 elections and presidential elections. The method of this writing can be categorized as qualitative research. The analysis in this paper is carried out on the basis of the concepts of space and field, especially to examine how far the kiai play religious teachings which they believe in social and political behavior in the midst of people’s lives. The results of this study indicate that the rise of kiai who are involved in the world of politics is full of intrigue and conflict among kiai-politicians. One important thing revealed in the involvement of kiai in the political world was that kiai were too close to power, so they used the pesantren for their political interests and made it an instrument for power. For a kiai of pesantren plus politicians, they should be able to carry out their two professions sincerely and istiqomah. If not, the influence of the kiai becomes meaningless, when his authority is deemed to have deviated from what he should have. As a result, many pesantren were abandoned and their development was very alarming. Because of differences in perspective in politics that lead to feuds between the interfaith and the pesantren that they foster.

scholarly journals Charismatic and Affective Rhetoric in a Presidential Campaign

2014 ◽  
pp. 120-137
Author(s):  
Sheilesha R. Willis ◽  
Gloria L. Sweida ◽  
Stephanie Glassburn ◽  
Cynthia L. Sherman ◽  
Michelle C. Bligh
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Presidential Campaign ◽  
2008 Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Emotional Language ◽  
Democratic Parties

Although prior research demonstrates that charisma and rhetoric are two determinants of voting behavior, few studies have examined the effects of charismatic rhetoric and affect as they pertain to the outcomes of presidential elections. Using DICTION software for content analysis, 432 pre-convention speeches from the 2008 presidential election were analyzed to explore the effects that charismatic rhetoric and affect have on presidential candidates’ success. Results indicate that there were more similarities than differences in the charismatic and affect-laden rhetoric of successful and unsuccessful presidential candidates in both the Republican and Democratic parties. Overall, the results demonstrate that both successful and unsuccessful presidential candidates used charismatic rhetoric and emotional language to motivate their followers in the 2008 presidential election.

WhatsApp audios and the remediation of radio: Disinformation in Brazilian 2018 presidential election

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-158
Author(s):  
Marcelo Kischinhevsky ◽  
Itala Maduell Vieira ◽  
João Guilherme Bastos dos Santos ◽  
Viktor Chagas ◽  
Miguel de Andrade Freitas ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Strong Evidence ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Science And Technology ◽  
Analysis Techniques ◽  
Digital Democracy ◽  
Colloquial Language ◽  
Voice Messaging

This article brings the results of an investigation into the role of WhatsApp audio messages in the 2018 Brazilian presidential elections, proposing that instant voice messaging borrows elements from radio language. We started from a broader research, conducted by the Brazilian National Institute of Science and Technology in Digital Democracy (INCT.DD, in its Portuguese acronym), which identified a network composed of 220 WhatsApp groups – all of them with open-entry links – supporting six different candidates. Those groups put together thousands of anonymized profiles linked through connections to similar groups, configuring an extensive network. More than 1 million messages, including 98,000 audios, were gathered and downloaded during 2018 Brazilian electoral period (from June to October). We focused on eighteen audios with major circulation (totalling 3622 appearances) among the ones shared at least 100 times, which were extracted and analysed. The use of radio content analysis techniques pointed out strong evidence that audio messaging remediate radiophonic elements such as intimacy and colloquial language to accelerate disinformation campaigns.

Juscelino Kubitschek and the 1960 Presidential Election

1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-145
Author(s):  
Sheldon Maram
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Presidential Candidate ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Direct Election

Brazilian specialists have long recognised the importance of the 1960 presidential elections, which set in motion a process that culminated in a 21—year military dictatorship. Only in 1989 did Brazilians witness once again the direct election of a president. Nonetheless, scholarly literature on this event is sparse and often tends toward the ahistorical view that the election of Jânio Quadros in 1960 was part of an inexorable process. Almost entirely ignored are the reasons why Brazil's largest political party, the Partido Social Democrático or PSD, nominated for president a weak candidate, Marshal of the Brazilian Army Henrique Teixeira Lott.1Clearly, Lott himself was not part of a praetorian guard that imposed his candidacy. Indeed, the Marshal was a reluctant candidate, who offered to withdraw in October 1959 in favour of a ‘national unity candidate’.2 In my view Lott's nomination had much more to do with a complex series of manoeuvres carried out by Brazil's president Juscelino Kubitschek (1956–61) than with his own actions. For Kubitschek, the political parties and presidential aspirants in 1960 were merely pawns in his highly personalistic vision of the political process. Constitutionally barred from seeking immediate re—election, Kubitschek initially manoeuvred to induce his party, the PSD, not to run its own presidential candidate. When this effort failed, he displayed, at the very least, ambivalence regarding the fate of the party's candidate.An analysis of Kubitschek's actions and motivations presents methodological challenges to the historian. Historians traditionally rely heavily on written documentation to support their analysis of actions and motivations.

scholarly journals Virtual Trolling On Political Debate Of 2018 Brazilian Presidential Election: Which “wing” can be blamed?

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruno Conrado Demartini Antunes ◽  
Alexandre Cappellozza
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The Political ◽  
Presidential Candidate ◽  
Sources Of Information ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Digital Platforms ◽  
Internet Culture ◽  
Using Data

Social media is already one of the main sources of information for online users. In this context, the political debate has taken account of social media during the 2018 Brazil Presidential Election, where Brazilian virtual militants exchanged the debate to clash themselves. Offenses had the characteristics of trolling: a marginalized Internet culture that is increasingly appearing in the mainstream of social media This study aims to analyze how trolling actions could be perceived during the 2018 Brazilian elections, polarized between right and left-wings, by performing social network analysis using data from Twitter. Our results show that personal attacks intended to defame the participants and their ideologies before elections. Their influences on social media have shaped the patterns of attacks among militants on digital platforms, as well as endangering democratic values because of their ideals. The Brazilian presidential elections of 2018 demonstrate that trolling behavior produces a bellicose discourse on social media, where all sides influence and attack each other, which can lead to undemocratic discourses. Therefore, trolling behavior resulted in voters who were more concerned with debasing their opponents than paying attention to their presidential candidate proposals.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document