scholarly journals The face of internet recruitment: Evaluating the labor markets of online crowdsourcing platforms in China

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 205316801875912 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaojun Li ◽  
Weiyi Shi ◽  
Boliang Zhu
Keyword(s):  
Labor Markets ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Question ◽  
National Surveys ◽  
Subject Recruitment ◽  
Internet Users ◽  
The Face ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Internet Recruitment ◽  
Representative Samples

Zhubajie/Witmart and other online crowdsourcing platforms have proliferated in China, and researchers have increasingly used them for subject recruitment. One critical question remains, however: what is the generalizability of the findings based on these online samples? In this study, we benchmark the demography of an online sample from Zhubajie to nationally representative samples and replicate commonly asked attitudinal questions in national surveys. We find that online respondents differ from the general population in many respects. Yet, the differences become smaller when comparison is made with the internet users in benchmark surveys. Importantly, when predicting attitudes, our online sample with post-stratification weights is able to produce similar coefficients in most cases as these internet-active subsamples. Our study suggests that online crowdsourcing platforms can be a useful tool for subject recruitment, especially when researchers are interested in making inferences about Chinese netizens. We further analyze the political and social desirability issues of online subjects. Finally, we discuss caveats of using crowdsourcing samples in China.

Are misinformation, antiscientific claims, and conspiracy theories for political extremists?

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 583-605
Author(s):  
Adam M. Enders ◽  
Joseph E. Uscinski
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Conspiracy Theories ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Conspiracy Beliefs ◽  
Political Left ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Representative Samples

Extremist political groups, especially “extreme” Republicans and conservatives, are increasingly charged with believing misinformation, antiscientific claims, and conspiracy theories to a greater extent than moderates and those on the political left by both a burgeoning scholarly literature and popular press accounts. However, previous investigations of the relationship between political orientations and alternative beliefs have been limited in their operationalization of those beliefs and political extremity. We build on existing literature by examining the relationships between partisan and nonpartisan conspiracy beliefs and symbolic and operational forms of political extremity. Using two large, nationally representative samples of Americans, we find that ideological extremity predicts alternative beliefs only when the beliefs in question are partisan in nature and the measure of ideology is identity-based. Moreover, we find that operational ideological extremism is negatively related to nonpartisan conspiracy beliefs. Our findings help reconcile discrepant findings regarding the relationship between political orientations and conspiracy beliefs.

scholarly journals Food Insecurity Increases in Brazil from 2004 to 2018: Analysis of national surveys

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosana Salles-Costa ◽  
Aline Alves Ferreira ◽  
Ruben Araujo de Mattos ◽  
Michael E. Reichenheim ◽  
Rafael Pérez-Escamilla ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Food Insecurity ◽  
Measurement Scale ◽  
Household Surveys ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Secular Changes ◽  
National Surveys ◽  
Household Food ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Households With Children ◽  
Representative Samples

AbstractObjectiveDescribe secular changes in food security (FS) and severe food insecurity (FI) in Brazil.DesignWe analyzed four national surveys that assessed FI with the Brazilian Household Food Insecurity Measurement Scale (EBIA), and estimated the percentage changes of FS/FI levels between 2004 and 2013 (1st period) and between 2013 and 2018 (2nd period) by sociodemographic variables.SettingData from the cross-sectional Brazilian National Households Sample Surveys (2004, 2009 and 2013) and Household Budget Survey (2018).ParticipantsNationally representative samples of household surveys (2004=112,530; 2009=120,910;2013=116,196; and 2018=57,920).ResultsThe 1st period was marked by a significant increase in FS (+18.9%) and by a reduction in severe FI (−53.6%). The 2nd period showed a decrease in FS (−18.2%) and an increase of severe FI (+43.8%). The greater increase FS in the 1st period was in the Northeast (+33.4%), among households with more than 7 residents (+40.8%), and in households where the reference person self-identified as black or mulatto (+27.6%). In the 2nd period, the lower increase in severe FI was observed among households with children under 4 years old (+ 6.3%) and with members over 65 years old (+12.5%).ConclusionsAfter a significant reduction in FS from 2004 to 2013, FS was strongly compromised from 2014 to 2018 likely as result of disruptions in access to foods in all regions, intensified by the sociodemographic inequality in Brazil. Hunger in Brazil has re-emerged as a national concern.

scholarly journals Returns to Education in Different Job Locations for Off-Farm Wage Employment: Evidence from China

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 455
Author(s):  
Weidong Wang ◽  
Yongqing Dong ◽  
Yunli Bai ◽  
Renfu Luo ◽  
Linxiu Zhang ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Human Capital ◽  
Labor Markets ◽  
Labor Force ◽  
Returns To Education ◽  
Rural China ◽  
Rural Labor ◽  
Wage Employment ◽  
Big Cities ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Representative Samples

In this study, we explore the returns to education among different job locations for off-farm wage employment using nationally representative samples from rural China. Through a series of robustness checks, we conclude that there is heterogeneity in returns to education for different job locations within the rural labor force. Specifically, we have found that the returns to education for laborers in big cities are significantly higher than those for laborers working both in ordinary cities and within counties. That is to say, the utility of education is better-reflected in big cities. We conclude that the returns to education in big cities are 5.4 percent, while the returns to education are no more than 1 percent in ordinary cities and within counties. These results suggest that labor markets in the underdeveloped regions of China have factors that undermine the productivity effect of human capital.

scholarly journals Self-Reported Addiction to Pornography in a Nationally Representative Sample: The Role of Use Habits, Religiousness, and Moral Incongruence

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Grubbs ◽  
Shane W Kraus ◽  
Samuel Perry
Keyword(s):  
Representative Sample ◽  
The United States ◽  
Health Condition ◽  
Internet Users ◽  
Younger Age ◽  
Pornography Use ◽  
Pornography Addiction ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Representative Samples

Background and Aims: Despite controversies regarding its existence as a legitimate mental health condition, self-reports of pornography addiction seem to occur regularly. In the United States, prior works using various sampling techniques, such as undergraduate samples and online convenience samples, have consistently demonstrated that some pornography users report feeling dysregulated or out of control in their use. Even so, there has been very little work in U.S. nationally representative samples to examine self-reported pornography addiction. Methods: The present study sought to examine self-reported pornography addiction in a U.S. nationally representative sample of adult internet users (N=2,075). Results: Results indicated that most participants had viewed pornography within their lifetimes (n = 1,461), with just over half reporting some use in the past year (n = 1,056). Moreover, roughly 11% of men and 3% of women reported some agreement with the statement “I am addicted to pornography.” Across all participants, such feelings were most strongly associated with male gender, younger age, greater religiousness, greater moral incongruence regarding pornography use, and greater use of pornography. Discussion and Conclusions: Collectively, these findings are consistent with prior works that have noted that self-reported pornography addiction is a complex phenomenon that is predicted by both objective behavior and subjective moral evaluations of that behavior.

PERAN ULAMA SELAKU PEWARIS NABI DALAM KONTESTASI PEMILU-PILPRES TAHUN 2019 DI INDONESIA

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Archival Data ◽  
Political Event ◽  
Online Social Media ◽  
The People ◽  
Religious Issue ◽  
The Face ◽  
Religion And State

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.

Sharp rise in vaccine hesitancy in a large and representative sample of the French population: reasons for vaccine hesitancy.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Sophie Hacquin ◽  
Sacha Altay ◽  
Emma de Araujo ◽  
Coralie Chevallier ◽  
Hugo Mercier
Keyword(s):  
At Risk ◽  
Educational Level ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
Vaccine Hesitancy ◽  
The Political ◽  
French Population ◽  
Sharp Rise ◽  
Vaccine Refusal ◽  
French People ◽  
Nationally Representative

A safe and effective COVID-19 vaccine is our only hope to decisively stop the spread of the SARS-CoV-2. But a vaccine will only be fully effective if a significant share of the population agrees to get it. Five consecutive surveys of a large, nationally representative sample (N = 1000 for each wave) surveyed attitudes towards a future COVID-19 vaccine in France from May 2020 to October 2020. We found that COVID-19 vaccine refusal has steadily increased, reaching an all-time high with only 23% of participants willing to probably or certainly take a future COVID-19 vaccine in September 2020. Vaccine hesitant individuals are more likely to be women, young, less educated, to vote at the political extremes, to be dissatisfied with the government’s response to the COVID-19 crisis, and to feel less at risk of COVID-19. The reasons why French people would refuse to take the COVID-19 vaccine are similar to those offered for other vaccines, and these reasons are strikingly stable across gender, age and educational level. Finally, most French people declare they would not take the vaccine as soon as possible but would instead rather wait or not take it at all.

Are voters too afraid to tackle corruption? Survey and experimental evidence from Mexico

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Omar García-Ponce ◽  
Thomas Zeitzoff ◽  
Leonard Wantchekon
Keyword(s):  
Political Behavior ◽  
Causal Effects ◽  
Willingness To Accept ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Drug War ◽  
Mexican Drug War ◽  
The Face ◽  
Victims Of Crime ◽  
Nationally Representative

Abstract Are individuals in violent contexts reluctant to tackle corruption for fear of future violence? Or does violence mobilize them to fight corruption? We investigate these questions looking at the effects of fear and violence stemming from the Mexican Drug War on attitudes toward corruption. We conducted two surveys before the 2012 Mexican presidential election. First, as part of a nationally representative survey, we find a positive correlation between fear of violence and willingness to accept corruption in exchange for lower levels of violence. To disentangle causal effects, we conducted a follow-up survey experiment in Greater Mexico City where we manipulated fear over the Drug War. We find that individuals within this context are not easily scared. Those who received a common fear-inducing manipulation do not report higher levels of fear and are less willing to tolerate corruption. Conversely, we find strong evidence that individuals who have been victims of crime are more likely to report both higher levels of fear and willingness to accept corruption if it lowers violence. Our findings suggest that voters are more strategic and resilient in the face of violence than many extant theories of political behavior suggest.

scholarly journals Support for a COVID-19 vaccine mandate in the face of safety concerns and political affiliations: An Australian study

Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110090
Author(s):  
David T Smith ◽  
Katie Attwell ◽  
Uwana Evers
Keyword(s):  
Vaccine Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Australian Study ◽  
Safety Concerns ◽  
Government Mandates ◽  
Childhood Vaccine ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
Levels Of Support

COVID-19 vaccine development has been widely awaited, but concerns around acceptance and political polarisation prevail. We sought to determine the willingness of Australians to take a (then prospective) COVID-19 vaccine, compared with their previously recorded opinions about other vaccines. We also sought to determine reasons for hesitancy, levels of support for possible government mandates, and the political basis of support. We surveyed 1200 Australians, including 898 participants in a panel previously asked in 2017 about vaccines and mandates. In all, 66% of respondents indicated they would take a coronavirus vaccine, less than the 88% who in 2017 agreed that vaccines are safe, effective, and necessary. Also, 70% of the respondents who indicated hesitancy were concerned about the safety of the vaccine if it was developed too quickly, and 73% of all respondents agreed that the government should require a coronavirus vaccine for work, travel, and study. This is lower than the 85% who agreed with the childhood vaccine mandate in 2017, but slightly higher than the number of respondents who indicated that they would definitely be willing to take the coronavirus vaccine themselves. Older respondents, higher income respondents, and respondents who vote for major parties were all significantly more likely to take a coronavirus vaccine and to support government requirements.

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