Humanitarian diplomacy in ASEAN

2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110192
Author(s):  
Alistair DB Cook

Progress on regional cooperation in Southeast Asia is often punctuated by decades rather than years. The exposure of the wider Asia-Pacific to natural hazards renders it the world’s most disaster prone. Since the Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami in 2004, there have been three significant broad trends that have shaped humanitarian diplomacy, namely ASEAN as a platform for engagement, sectoral approaches and a diversifying multi-stakeholder environment creating a multi-level regionalism in Southeast Asia. States and societies in Southeast Asia have demonstrated a commitment to building humanitarian capacity which is often termed ‘nationally led, regionally supported and international as necessary’ so that they can lead response to natural hazards. The experience of natural hazards offers an important reference for humanitarian work in other areas, notably health emergencies and conflict settings. However, the localization of the global humanitarian system beyond the regional and national levels to local communities remains far from certain, and progress made in this arena may yet come undone without sustained and substantive political commitment from ASEAN member states.

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 267-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis D. Trinidad

This article examines the implications of Japan’s strategic partnerships with Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member-countries on its foreign aid policy. Although there were previous attempts at aligning the broad goals of Japan’s aid policy with security and defence objectives, it argues that these partnerships have increasingly led to the emergence of a securitized aid. This is because strategic partnership, as a new form of security practice in the Asia-Pacific, extends the scope of Japan’s regional cooperation to the fields of defence and security. The overall extent of Japan’s aid securitization is still minimal but prominent in terms of the aid discourse, pattern of allotments or choice of recipients and institutional structures. Despite the adoption of new development cooperation charter in 2015, the use of Japan’s ODA is still confined to non-military use which limits Tokyo’s desire to deepen its security cooperation with ASEAN partner-countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-112
Author(s):  
Quinissa Putrirezhy

The rise of the US-led Quad alliance in 2017 will be a test for ASEAN. Southeast Asia is at the center of a simmering strategic rivalry between the two world superpowers, the US and China. China's meteoric economic ascendence on the global stage has shifted the balance of global power in today's geopolitics. This article seeks to examine the potential of how the Quad may shake the ASEAN's unity and centrality as a result of China's rise. Beijing has expanded its influence throughout Southeast Asia and is by now easily ASEAN's largest trading partner, while at the same time it has aggressively asserted its pseudohistorical irredentist claims in the South China Sea, a vital route for regional trade, creating territorial disputes with some ASEAN member countries. This article found that the geopolitical situation in Southeast Asia is likely to grow more difficult, perhaps affecting Southeast Asia's policy of non-alignment. Some argue that the Quad will bring balance in the Asia Pacific; however, this view will inevitably change if some ASEAN countries in favor of FOIP decide to join the Quad, either formally or informally, and work together to attempt to counterbalance China, which would leave ASEAN itself torn apart.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arina Alexandra Muresan

The Second High-Level United Nations (UN) Conference on South-South Cooperation (also known as BAPA+40), held in Buenos Aires, Argentina, from 20 to 22 March 2019, promised to reinvigorate efforts to further achieve and implement South-South cooperation (SSC). Forty years on, the Global South is shaping its image as a solutions provider. Immense strides have been made in improving access to allow a multitude of state and non-state actors to cooperate, while broadening and deepening modes of cooperation and facilitating the exchange of knowledge and transfer of technology, thus moving beyond the simplistic view that developing countries require aid to function and move forward. However, noting these symbolic strides, the Global South should move forward by building understanding of monitoring and evaluation (M&E) frameworks; integrating multi-stakeholder models; improving the visibility of peace and security in South-South programming; and building effective communications systems.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 43-57
Author(s):  
See Seng Tan

Abstract: The longstanding effort to develop a people-based regionalism in Southeast Asia has been shaped by an inherent tension between the liberal inclination to privilege the individual and the community under formation, on the one hand, and the realist insistence on the primacy of the state, on the other. This article explores the conditions and constraints affecting ASEAN’s progress in remaking Southeast Asia into a people-focused and caring community in three areas: disaster management, development, and democratization (understood here as human rights). Arguably, the persistent gap in Southeast Asia between aspiration and expectation is determined less by political ideology than by the pragmatic responses of ASEAN member states to the forces of nationalism and protectionism, as well as their respective sense of local and regional responsibility.Resumen: El esfuerzo histórico para desarrollar un regionalismo basado en las personas del sudeste de Asia ha estado marcado por una tensión fundamental entre la inclinación liberal de privilegiar el individuo y la comunidad y la insistencia realista sobre la primacía del estado. Este artículo explora las condiciones y limitaciones que afectan el progreso de la ASEAN en la reestructuración de Asia sudoriental en una comunidad centrada en el cuidado de las personas en: gestión de desastres, desarrollo y democratización (i.e., derechos humanos). La brecha persistente en el sudeste asiático entre la aspiración y la expectativa está determinada por las respuestas pragmáticas de los miembros de la ASEAN sometidos a las fuerzas del nacionalismo y proteccionismo, así como su respectivo sentido de responsabilidad local y regional.Résumé: L’effort historique pour développer un régionalisme fondé sur les peuples en Asie du Sud-Est a été marqué par une tension fondamentale entre l’inclination libérale qui privilégie, d’une part, l’individu et la communauté et, d’autre part, l’insistance réaliste sur la primauté de l’État. Cet article explore les conditions et les contraintes qui nuisent aux progrès de l’ANASE dans le cadre d’une refonte de l’Asie du Sud-Est en une communauté centrée et attentive aux peuples dans trois domaines : la gestion des désastres, le développement et la démocratisation (en référence aux droits humains). Le fossé persistant en Asie du Sud-Est entre les aspirations et les attentes est vraisemblablement moins déterminé par l’idéologie politique que par les réponses pragmatiques des États membres de l’ANASE soumis aux forces du nationalisme et du protectionnisme ainsi que par leur sens respectif de la responsabilité locale et régionale.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Francis M Deng ◽  
Romola Adeola

Abstract Over the last several decades, states have demonstrated significant political commitment towards advancing protection and assistance for internally displaced persons. A notable form in which this commitment has been reflected is in the emergence of normative standards, with the UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement (UNGP) as the guiding text. The fact that the UNGP framework has found expression in the landscape on internal displacement is evidenced at various levels of governance. Within the African context, the African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa (Kampala Convention) draws on pertinent normative frameworks, with the UNGP as the leading framework. While this point is often made in general terms, this article focuses on the extent to which the norm on internal displacement has diffused and expanded within the African context.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Paulina Tindana ◽  
Freek de Haan ◽  
Chanaki Amaratunga ◽  
Mehul Dhorda ◽  
Rob W. van der Pluijm ◽  
...  

AbstractMalaria remains a major cause of morbidity and mortality in Africa, particularly in children under five years of age. Availability of effective anti-malarial drug treatment is a cornerstone for malaria control and eventual malaria elimination. Artemisinin-based combination therapy (ACT) is worldwide the first-line treatment for uncomplicated falciparum malaria, but the ACT drugs are starting to fail in Southeast Asia because of drug resistance. Resistance to artemisinins and their partner drugs could spread from Southeast Asia to Africa or emerge locally, jeopardizing the progress made in malaria control with the increasing deployment of ACT in Africa. The development of triple artemisinin-based combination therapy (TACT) could contribute to mitigating the risks of artemisinin and partner drug resistance on the African continent. However, there are pertinent ethical and practical issues that ought to be taken into consideration. In this paper, the most important ethical tensions, some implementation practicalities and preliminary thoughts on addressing them are discussed. The discussion draws upon data from randomized clinical studies using TACT combined with ethical principles, published literature and lessons learned from the introduction of artemisinin-based combinations in African markets.


1998 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roderich Ptak

Ships sailing from Fujian to Southeast Asia could choose between two different sea routes. The first route followed the China coast to central Guangdong; it then led to Hainan, the Champa coast and Pulau Condore, an island near the southern tip of Vietnam. From there it continued in three directions: to Siam, to northwestern Borneo and to the Malayan east coast. Going south to the Malayan east coast was the most direct way to Trengganu, Pahang, Pulau Tioman, Johore and modern Singapore whence it was possible to sail into the Indian Ocean or to cross over to Sumatra, Bangka Island and Java.


2021 ◽  
pp. 951-965
Author(s):  
Yana Vadimovna Mishchenko

The article discusses the main results of two major international summits held in October-November 2021, the key topics of which were the issues of the global fight against climate change and environmental protection. The decisions taken at these conferences, with the broad participation of world leaders, reflect the fundamental trends of the global environmental agenda. Within the framework of this agenda, Japan and the countries of Southeast Asia are building their modern energy and environmental cooperation. In this context, the article examines the main urgent tasks of energy-environmental interaction and sustainable development of Japan and the states of Southeast Asia. These countries are located in the Asia-Pacific region, which remains until now the main emitter of greenhouse gases in the world. However, the indicators of environmental pollution by Japan and the Southeast Asian countries are relatively not so high, compared to some other states in the region and the world. The article discusses the most relevant and significant examples of bilateral and multilateral cooperation between these countries in areas related to curbing global warming and climate protection. It has been revealed that with all the efforts made, since the 1990s, the indicators of reducing harmful emissions into the atmosphere in Japan remain modest and even lag behind some of the Western countries. The Southeast Asian countries show a serious attitude to the development of renewable energy, but their intention to abandon coal still raises some doubts about the methods of implementing this ambitious plan. In particular, it is currently not entirely clear whether these countries are preparing to make a full-fledged "energy transition" in the coming decades, or whether they just intend to replace their coal-fired thermal power plants with gas ones.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 175
Author(s):  
Ligar Yogaswara ◽  
Ligar Yogaswara

This paper analyzes how ASEAN can deal with the haze problem caused by its member countries and then cross their borders so that it becomes a common focus in ASEAN countries. Then ASEAN made an agreement for its member countries with the aim of overcoming the haze problem which was referred to in the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution. Based on the question of the effectiveness of the agreement, the authors assume that the agreement is considered ineffective in solving the haze problem in the Southeast Asia Region. The reason for this is considered to be due to a set of norms adopted by ASEAN member countries in the ASEAN Way. These norms then make member countries solve problems by adhering to the principles of the ASEAN Way including non-intervention, consensus and so on. Responding to problems in developing countries in ASEAN which tend to prioritize their economy, making environmental problems such as smog tend to be sidelined. Therefore, this paper will explain more about the effectiveness of the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution in particular to address the haze problem in ASEAN member countries based on the ASEAN way.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135-153
Author(s):  
Vladimir Batyuk

Despite the critical attitude of the current American President towards his predecessor, the Trump administration actually continued the course of the Obama administration to turn the Asia-Pacific region into the most important priority of American foreign policy. Moreover, the US Asia-Pacific strategy was transformed under Trump into the Indo-Pacific strategy, when the Indian Ocean was added to the Asia-Pacific region in the US strategic thinking. The US Pacific command was renamed the Indo-Pacific command (May 2018), and the US Department of defense developed the Indo-Pacific strategy (published in June 2019). The Indo-Pacific strategy is an integral part of Trump’s national security strategy, according to which China, along with Russia, was declared US adversary. The American side complained about both the economic and military-political aspects of the Chinese presence in the Indo-Pacific region. At the same time, official Washington is no longer confident that it can cope with those adversaries, China and Russia, alone. Trying to implement the main provisions of the Indo-Pacific strategy, official Washington has staked not only on building up its military power in the Indo-Pacific, but also on trying to build an anti-Chinese system of alliances in this huge region. Along with such traditional American allies in the region as Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, the Philippines and Singapore, the American side in the recent years has made active attempts to attract India, Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam to this system of alliances as well. These American attempts, however, can only cause serious concerns not only in Beijing, but also in Moscow, thereby contributing to the mutual rapprochement of the Russian Federation and China. Meanwhile, the Russian-Chinese tandem is able to devalue American efforts to strategically encircle China, creating a strong Eurasian rear for the Middle Kingdom.


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