China’s Belt and Road Projects in Central Asia

2021 ◽  
pp. 231971452110424
Author(s):  
Manish ◽  
Alok Behera

This article aims to understand the evolving nature of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Central Asia. It examines how the BRI gives China an access to the abundant energy resources in Central Asia, alongside the trade connectivity, industry, infrastructure development, and expanding regional markets and facilitating regional cooperation, etc. While doing so, the article examines 261 small-and large-scale Chinese infrastructure projects in five Central Asian republics. As we understand, China’s BRI investments focus on rail and road connectivity projects, energy connectivity projects, trade promotion and industrial development, and people-to-people projects. This gives greater influence to China in the Central Asian region, thereby leading to a competition among the major powers such as Russia, the USA and India.

2019 ◽  
Vol 05 (03) ◽  
pp. 455-469
Author(s):  
Mir Sher Baz Khetran ◽  
Muhammad Humayun Khalid

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a flagship project under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI); and its launch in 2015 was regarded as a landmark event in the history of the Sino-Pakistani relationship. With a budget amounting to over $62 billion, it has become the foremost regional integration initiative between China and Pakistan. The project is also open to all interested regional stakeholders, among which Central Asia is one of the most important in geopolitical terms. Located in a landlocked but resource-rich region, Central Asian countries need better access to regional markets including Pakistan, China, India, and the countries of West Asia. Pakistan and China have huge energy demands that can be satisfied by growing trade with Central Asia. Thus, the CPEC will not only benefit Pakistan and China, but it also presents a strategic opportunity for Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Tajikistan to transport their goods more easily and gain competitiveness in regional and global markets.


Author(s):  
Fabio Indeo

The main aim of this article is to evaluate the impact of the China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and of Uzbekistan's proactive regional policy to promote regional interconnectivity and to develop an “endogenous” cooperation mainly focused on the strategic interests of Central Asian countries. Within the BRI, Central Asia holds a strategic relevance, because this region is crossed by two of the six main BRI corridor projects – the China-Central Asia-West Asia Economic Corridor and the Eurasian land bridge – which will contribute to improve regional cooperation and connections among these countries. For Central Asian republics, BRI represents an attractive project benefiting of Chinese huge investments aimed to boost infrastructures and to develop national economies. Under Mirziyoyev's leadership, Uzbekistan has undertaken a proactive and constructive regional diplomacy in Central Asia, based on the improvement of relations and cooperation with other Central Asian republics, which has become a key priority of Tashkent's foreign policy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 147-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ajay Patnaik

In the post-Soviet period, Central Asia has lost the cohesiveness it had in the Soviet period. The states of the region have since been seeking outward linkages to pursue their economic and security interests. In the process, the relation between the Central Asian countries weakened and, in some cases, became adversarial. The nation-building process undertaken by the national leaders alienated ethnic minorities and neighbouring states. As a result, the regional mechanisms or organizations that have come up in the region are led or initiated by powers such as Russia, China and the USA. The competing interests of these powers have not helped in promoting cooperation among the Central Asia countries though some of these organizations are useful for member states. However, a new trend is visible since 2016 when a new leader became president in Uzbekistan. Improved bilateral relations and summits of leaders of the region create hope for a new regionalism in Central Asia that is based on the internal cooperative dynamics within the region. This may not replace the already existing mechanisms or organizations. However, the process itself is conducive for intra-regional cooperation and would be helpful in keeping the region free from the geopolitical competition of external powers.


Author(s):  
Токтобек Рыскулов

Аннотация. В статье очерчено геополитическое и геостратегическое положение ЦА. Охарактеризована внешнеполитическая ситуация в ЦА в контексте новых тенденций в мировой политике. Показаны основные интересы и политические тренды РФ, США, КНР по отношения к государствам ЦА. Отмечено, что современная Центральная Азия, притягивает к себе все большее внимание внешних игроков. Объяснение кроется в том, что Центральная Азия обладает не только удобным геополитическим и выгодным геостратегическим положением, но и большим количеством природных ресурсов. Анализируя современные российско-китайские отношения приходим к мысли, что не все так безоблачно во взаимоотношениях двух государств, ведь еще никто не опроверг постулат о постоянных интересах государств и о непостоянстве друзей. В недалеком будущем конкуренция за энергоресурсы (газ, нефть) ЦА приведет к обострению отношений, к конфликту интересов России и Китая, практически это политическая аксиома. Готовы ли государства ЦА и России к такому сценарию политических событий? Ключевые слова: Центральна Азия, геополитика и геостратегия. Большая Игра, РФ, США, КНР. ЕАЭС, Большая Центральная Азия, ТНК, терроризм, экстремизм. Аннотация. Макалада геосаясий жана геостратегиялык абалдары чийилген. Борбордук Азиядагы тышкы саясий кырдаал дүйнөлүк саясаттагы жаңы тенденциялардын контекстинде мүнөздөлдү. БА мамлекеттеринин мамилелери боюнча РФ, АКШ, КЭР негизги кызыкчылыктары жана саясий тренддери көрсөтүлдү. Учурдагы Борбордук Азия тышкы оюнчулардын көбүрөөк көңүлүн өзүнө тартып жаткандыгы байкалган. Түшүндүрмө берүү, Борбордук Азия ыңгайлуу геосаясий жана пайдалуу геостратегиялык абалга гана ээ болбостон, көптөгөн жаратылыш ресурстарына ээ. Анализируя заманбап российско-кытай мамилелери приходим карата ойлорун, бул эмес баары эле безоблачно өз ара мамилелеринде эки мамлекеттин, анткени дагы эч ким опроверг постулат жөнүндө туруктуу кызыкчылыгында мамлекеттердин жөнүндө жана непостоянстве досторунун. Жакынкы келечекте ба энергия ресурстары үчүн атаандаштык (газ, мунай) Россия жана Кытайдын таламдарынын кагылышына, мамилелердин күчөшүнө алып келет, бул иш жүзүндө саясий аксиома. Борбордук Азия жана Орусия мамлекеттери мындай жагдайды саясий окуяларга даярбы? Түйүндүү сөздөр: Борбор Азия, геополитика жана геостратегия. Чоң оюн, РФ, АКШ, КЭР. ЕАЭС, Чоң Борбордук Азия, ТНК, терроризм, экстремизм. Annotation. The article outlines the geopolitical and geostrategic position of Central Asia. The article describes the foreign policy situation in Central Asia in the context of new trends in world politics. The main interests and political trends of the Russian Federation, the USA, China in relation to the Central Asian States are shown. It is noted that modern Central Asia attracts more and more attention of external players. The explanation lies in the fact that Central Asia has not only a convenient geopolitical and advantageous geostrategic position, but also a large number of natural resources. Analyzing the current Russian-Chinese relations, we come to the conclusion that not everything is so cloudless in the relations between the two States, because no one has yet refuted the postulate about the permanent interests of States and the impermanence of friends. In the near future, competition for energy resources (gas, oil) in Central Asia will lead to an aggravation of relations, to a conflict of interests between Russia and China, this is practically a political axiom. Are the Central Asian and Russian States ready for such a scenario of political events? Key words: Central Asia, geopolitics & geostrategy. Big Game, the RF, the USA, the CPR. EAEC, Big Central Asia, Transnational Corporation, terrorism, extremism


Author(s):  
B. Bahriev

The article deals with the features of public diplomacy resource’ application in US foreign policy in Central Asia. The author claims that American public diplomacy which has been actively working in the region since the collapse of the USSR appears to be an important instrument of achievement of not only regional, but also global objectives of the USA. Despite a certain de-emphasis on the Central Asian direction in the American foreign policy at the present stage, the rising Russian public diplomacy activity and increasing Chinese influence in the region forces Americans to look for public diplomacy response in order to secure their positions in this important, from geopolitical viewpoint and energy resource perspective, region. The aforementioned tendencies shape a competitive regional environment for implementation of public diplomacy.


2011 ◽  
Vol 208 ◽  
pp. 893-912 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justin V. Hastings

AbstractWhat explains the course of Uyghur-related violence in Xinjiang and Central Asia since 1990? Using data derived from a variety of sources, I argue that the locations and types of violent incidents were influenced by a combination of Chinese government policies and the political geography of Xinjiang. Specifically, 1990 to 1996 were dominated by logistically complex incidents in a low-level violent campaign in Xinjiang. The Strike Hard campaign in 1996 brought about an increase in logistically simple incidents in Xinjiang and some violence in Central Asia as Uyghur separatists had trouble moving people, information and weapons across the well-guarded, difficult terrain of Xinjiang's borders. China's rapprochement with Central Asian countries in the late 1990s led after 2001 to a dramatic decrease in Uyghur-related violence in general, but also signalled the appearance of logistically creative attacks that required little planning or materials. My findings suggest that Uyghur rebels will have a difficult time mounting a large-scale violent campaign as long as China retains even minimal control of Xinjiang.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 029-038
Author(s):  
Farrukh Usmonov ◽  
Fumiaki Inagaki

The states of the Central Asian region obtained their independence in 1991 and have been undergoing a turbulent transition process, such as civil war, cross-border conflicts, revolution and socio-political reforms. Japan has been furthering its cooperation with the Central Asian countries since the day diplomatic relations were established. Despite only a 25-year history of cooperation, Japan has developed numerous and diverse patterns of involvement in the Central Asian region. There is a positive attitude towards Japan and Japanese people among the population of Central Asian countries. This work explores the features of Japanese soft power policy and its development in Central Asia. The core of the multilateral collaboration format in Japanese Central Asian Policy is “Central Asia + Japan,” which aims to promote inter-regional and intra-regional cooperation among the Central Asian states.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dauren Aben

International cooperation on wmd nonproliferation in Central Asia must continue. In addition to unsolved problems related from the Soviet era, the region faces new challenges and threats, such as illicit trafficking in wmd materials, technologies, equipment, and delivery systems, as well as the threat of wmd terrorism. In addition, some Central Asian countries plan to develop their national nuclear industries. Future cooperation on wmd nonproliferation in Central Asia should focus on improving nuclear security and safety systems at nuclear facilities, continued engagement on the Semipalatinsk test site, countering radiological security and safety threats, enhancing export controls and border security, encouraging regional cooperation, strengthening cybersecurity, and promoting nuclear science cooperation and wmd nonproliferation education.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-222
Author(s):  
Darakhshan Abdullah

The article seeks to provide glimpses into the multidimension relations with special reference to trade relations that existed between India and Central Asia right from ancient times, which reached their climax during Mughal times. The article reveals that these relations continued unprecedented despite complex geophysical forces, namely formidable mountains, undulating deserts, unending plains together with the periodical political convulsions especially the triangular rivalry between the three mighty powers of the region, i.e., the Mughals of India, the Uzbeks of Central Asia and the Safavids of Persia. The study of contemporary sources reveals that each power tried at its best to encourage the trade by providing safety and security to the trading caravans carrying different mercantile. The brisk trade relations received a serious jolt when the two regions became part of colonial empires, i.e., the Britain and Russia. Though indirect political and cultural relations were restored by India with the former Soviet Central Asia, yet disintegration of the USSR and the subsequent emergence of independent Central Asian states, which, in search of new allies for the nation-building process, establishment of market economy and democratic set up, offered a golden opportunity to India, being an immediate neighbour in the region, for restoring and reviving its historical legacy. The historical study carried out in this article intends to provide insights into twenty-first-century Indian policy planers for establishing strong multidimensional relations for regional cooperation and sustainable development, apart from maintaining balance of political power.


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