ВНЕШНЕПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ СИТУАЦИЯ В ЦЕНТРАЛЬНОЙ АЗИИ: В КОНТЕКСТЕ МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫХ ОТНОШЕНИЙ И НОВЫХ ТЕНДЕНЦИЙ В МИРОВОЙ ПОЛИТИКЕ

Author(s):  
Токтобек Рыскулов

Аннотация. В статье очерчено геополитическое и геостратегическое положение ЦА. Охарактеризована внешнеполитическая ситуация в ЦА в контексте новых тенденций в мировой политике. Показаны основные интересы и политические тренды РФ, США, КНР по отношения к государствам ЦА. Отмечено, что современная Центральная Азия, притягивает к себе все большее внимание внешних игроков. Объяснение кроется в том, что Центральная Азия обладает не только удобным геополитическим и выгодным геостратегическим положением, но и большим количеством природных ресурсов. Анализируя современные российско-китайские отношения приходим к мысли, что не все так безоблачно во взаимоотношениях двух государств, ведь еще никто не опроверг постулат о постоянных интересах государств и о непостоянстве друзей. В недалеком будущем конкуренция за энергоресурсы (газ, нефть) ЦА приведет к обострению отношений, к конфликту интересов России и Китая, практически это политическая аксиома. Готовы ли государства ЦА и России к такому сценарию политических событий? Ключевые слова: Центральна Азия, геополитика и геостратегия. Большая Игра, РФ, США, КНР. ЕАЭС, Большая Центральная Азия, ТНК, терроризм, экстремизм. Аннотация. Макалада геосаясий жана геостратегиялык абалдары чийилген. Борбордук Азиядагы тышкы саясий кырдаал дүйнөлүк саясаттагы жаңы тенденциялардын контекстинде мүнөздөлдү. БА мамлекеттеринин мамилелери боюнча РФ, АКШ, КЭР негизги кызыкчылыктары жана саясий тренддери көрсөтүлдү. Учурдагы Борбордук Азия тышкы оюнчулардын көбүрөөк көңүлүн өзүнө тартып жаткандыгы байкалган. Түшүндүрмө берүү, Борбордук Азия ыңгайлуу геосаясий жана пайдалуу геостратегиялык абалга гана ээ болбостон, көптөгөн жаратылыш ресурстарына ээ. Анализируя заманбап российско-кытай мамилелери приходим карата ойлорун, бул эмес баары эле безоблачно өз ара мамилелеринде эки мамлекеттин, анткени дагы эч ким опроверг постулат жөнүндө туруктуу кызыкчылыгында мамлекеттердин жөнүндө жана непостоянстве досторунун. Жакынкы келечекте ба энергия ресурстары үчүн атаандаштык (газ, мунай) Россия жана Кытайдын таламдарынын кагылышына, мамилелердин күчөшүнө алып келет, бул иш жүзүндө саясий аксиома. Борбордук Азия жана Орусия мамлекеттери мындай жагдайды саясий окуяларга даярбы? Түйүндүү сөздөр: Борбор Азия, геополитика жана геостратегия. Чоң оюн, РФ, АКШ, КЭР. ЕАЭС, Чоң Борбордук Азия, ТНК, терроризм, экстремизм. Annotation. The article outlines the geopolitical and geostrategic position of Central Asia. The article describes the foreign policy situation in Central Asia in the context of new trends in world politics. The main interests and political trends of the Russian Federation, the USA, China in relation to the Central Asian States are shown. It is noted that modern Central Asia attracts more and more attention of external players. The explanation lies in the fact that Central Asia has not only a convenient geopolitical and advantageous geostrategic position, but also a large number of natural resources. Analyzing the current Russian-Chinese relations, we come to the conclusion that not everything is so cloudless in the relations between the two States, because no one has yet refuted the postulate about the permanent interests of States and the impermanence of friends. In the near future, competition for energy resources (gas, oil) in Central Asia will lead to an aggravation of relations, to a conflict of interests between Russia and China, this is practically a political axiom. Are the Central Asian and Russian States ready for such a scenario of political events? Key words: Central Asia, geopolitics & geostrategy. Big Game, the RF, the USA, the CPR. EAEC, Big Central Asia, Transnational Corporation, terrorism, extremism

2017 ◽  
Vol II (I) ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Manzoor Khan Afridi ◽  
Musharraf Iqbal ◽  
Sumbul Hussan

The importance of Central Asia for China increased with the change in international power structure, growth of its economy, rapid industrialization and increase in population. China is regarded as the second largest energy consumer in the world while Central Asia has rich energy resources and raw materials complementary for its economic growth. It is interested in the energy resources of Central Asia for the security of its energy supply and a large market for its finished goods. Prior to Central Asian energy resources, China was importing oil from the Middle East. The route of oil supply from M.E to China was passing through Malacca strait, under the control of United States, a perceived rival of China in the world politics. In case of conflict this route may be blocked by United States. This situation worried the Chinese policy makers and prepared a comprehensive policy regarding the energy resources of Central Asian region. Energy is not the only concern of China in Central Asia; it is also worried about the security of its Xinjiang, sharing border with some Central Asian Republics (CARs). About 60% of the population of Xinjiang are Uyghur Muslims. The same ethnic community also exists on the other side of the border in the Central Asian Republics. China has an apprehension that in case of instability in the region, terrorists organizations may instigate the China’s Uyghur for independence. That is why, China is supporting United States in its fight against terrorism. Politically, it wants to reduce the influence of United States in the region by integration with the CARs (Central Asian Republics) through SCO particularly after US military penetration in the region in 2001. Applying a descriptive-analytical approach in the paper, the interests of China in CARs are surveyed.


2009 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
RUTH DEYERMOND

AbstractA multi-levelled hegemonic encounter has developed in Central Asia, in which a global hegemon, the USA; a regional hegemon, the Russian Federation; an aspirant sub-regional hegemon, Uzbekistan; and an emergent regional and global hegemon, China, co-exist within the framework of Central Asian security politics. Where these hegemons’ interests do not conflict this can be characterised as a matrioshka model of hegemony: the different level hegemons can accommodate one another peacefully and where their interests coincide they can form alliances. The model of multi-levelled hegemony developed here highlights the simultaneous presence of competition and cooperation. This article explores the way in which the various bilateral hegemonic relations in the region also indicate that actual and emergent hegemonic states at different levels can cooperate as hegemons in order to challenge, or to respond to challenge, by hegemonic states at other levels. This helps to clarify the question of whether the increasingly competitive interaction between these states is likely to lead to conflict.


Author(s):  
Tetiana Liashenko

Attempts to build a “Russian world” within the former Soviet republics of Central Asia by introducing an idea of a single linguistic, cultural and political space with the Russian Federation are studied in the article. The threats to the Central Asian countries’ information space are analyzed. The data on gradual changing of orientations of the Central Asian states’ citizens when choosing sources of information is provided. It is concluded that the technologies of the Russian Federation’s propaganda in Central Asia are aimed primarily at the formation of the president of Russia positive image among the widest possible groups of population. Attempts to push so-called “the Russian world”, which already jeopardize global peaceful balance, are grounded, in particular, on a widespread use of the Russian language within the territories of the former USSR that serves to propagate an idea of a single linguistic, cultural and political space. At the same time, a revival and development of national languages and cultures are intensively ongoing in all new independent states. It provokes a confrontation that often causes points of tension and conflicts. A large number of the Russian media, including federal state editions, TV channels. the Sputnik news agency etc. operates in Central Asian information space. Using own controlled media, the Kremlin seeks to convince the Central Asian states’ citizens that the Russia’s foreign policy is a right one, as well as to form a positive image of Russia and president Putin as a politician who is capable to ensure stability and security in the Central Asian region. The Russian Federation pays a special attention to Eastern Kazakhstan, where a large number of ethnic Russians is concentrated. Kazakhstan has much in common with Ukraine on its ethnic population composition, economic situation and geographical proximity to Russia. As in Ukraine, the ethnic Russians make up about 1/5 of the population in Kazakhstan, meanwhile the Russian language is widely used in all spheres. Russia calls its initiative a “humanitarian project”, but there is no doubt that the Kremlin is fighting for minds of younger generation, trying to impose own culture and values on young people. Recently, while alternative sources of information have been spreading, more and more Central Asian habitants opt for online information in their national languages, considering Russianspeaking news resources to be a propaganda.


2021 ◽  
pp. 48-52
Author(s):  
M. M. Butakova ◽  
O. N. Sokolova

The article is devoted to researching and assessing the state of affairs, identifying problems and prospects for Russia’s presence in the markets of Central Asian countries. The relevance of the problem is connected with the goals of maintaining the export positions of the Russian Federation in this market and with the goals of increasing the volume of non-resource non-energy exports. The authors investigated the dynamics and structure of world and Russian exports to the countries of Central Asia, highlighted the dominant commodity groups of Russian exports for each importing country. As a result of the study of the territorial aspect and the related specifics of trade and economic relations, it was concluded that a deeper study of export opportunities and prospects of Russian regions bordering on countries-importers of Russian products in Central Asia was made. The article outlines the problems of increasing competition in the markets of Central Asia and the negative impact on the prospects of Russian exports of falling incomes of the population and reducing market capacity due to the pandemic, the need to take a set of measures to maintain Russia’s competitive position in this market. As a result the studies of the problems of the development of Russian exports the authors came to the conclusion that it is mutually beneficial and promising, to increase the supply Russian products to the countries of Central Asia the need to find ways to increase its efficiency, and strengthen state support for non-resource non-energy exports.


Author(s):  
B. Bahriev

The article deals with the features of public diplomacy resource’ application in US foreign policy in Central Asia. The author claims that American public diplomacy which has been actively working in the region since the collapse of the USSR appears to be an important instrument of achievement of not only regional, but also global objectives of the USA. Despite a certain de-emphasis on the Central Asian direction in the American foreign policy at the present stage, the rising Russian public diplomacy activity and increasing Chinese influence in the region forces Americans to look for public diplomacy response in order to secure their positions in this important, from geopolitical viewpoint and energy resource perspective, region. The aforementioned tendencies shape a competitive regional environment for implementation of public diplomacy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 169-191
Author(s):  
Eugeniusz Mironowicz

China s interest in the energy resources of Central Asian has been growing since the end of the 20th century. During the twenty years of the 21st century, China became the most important trading partner Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. Eksport from Central Asia to China are raw materials, mainly gas and crude oil, and imports are finished products of the mining sector, transmission and communication infrastructure. The opening in 2009 of the gas pipeline from Turkmenistan to China via Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan was a turning point for the strengthening of Beijing s influence in the region. The gas pipeline broke Russia s monopoly on intermediation in trade in energy resources from Central Asian states and created a completely new system of economic relations. Despite the conflicting interests with the Russian Federation, both countries are demonstrating their will to cooperate politically in the region.


2019 ◽  
pp. 205789111988781
Author(s):  
Assylzat Karabayeva

This article considers how the ideas and worldviews of the first presidents of the post-Soviet Central Asian countries have shaped their states’ identities, and their domestic and foreign policies. It argues that the contested ideas of regionalism in Central Asia were responsible for the rejection, reconstruction, and diffusion of foreign norms within the region and beyond. The ideational norms of the Central Asian states are argued to play a critical role in the creation of new norms— multi-speed and multi-level Eurasian regionalism—and their diffusion into global normative processes. Thus, the Central Asian region, and its contribution to the development of Eurasian normative regionalism, deserves recognition in world politics.


InterConf ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 70-81
Author(s):  
N. Nyshanbayev

The Central Asia as geopolitical region is in the system of international relations located at the crossroads of civilizations. As the concept of "Central Asia" is not fully and systematically studied in the scientific literature yet, there are conflicting discourses in the scientific community. From this point of view, the scientific analysis of the concept of "Central Asia" in the modern system of international relations is very important. In recent years, the Central Asian region (according to the concept of five states "Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan") has become not only a region of common interests of the international community, but also of growing geopolitical importance. In our opinion, it depends on two main reasons. First, the region has a strong natural material base and a strategic location. Secondly, it is a continuation of the fact that the emerging state institution in Central Asia is rapidly adapting to the realities of the new millennium and successfully integrating into world politics and economics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 231971452110424
Author(s):  
Manish ◽  
Alok Behera

This article aims to understand the evolving nature of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Central Asia. It examines how the BRI gives China an access to the abundant energy resources in Central Asia, alongside the trade connectivity, industry, infrastructure development, and expanding regional markets and facilitating regional cooperation, etc. While doing so, the article examines 261 small-and large-scale Chinese infrastructure projects in five Central Asian republics. As we understand, China’s BRI investments focus on rail and road connectivity projects, energy connectivity projects, trade promotion and industrial development, and people-to-people projects. This gives greater influence to China in the Central Asian region, thereby leading to a competition among the major powers such as Russia, the USA and India.


2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 43-80
Author(s):  
Z. A. Kokoshina

The Central Asian region due to its economic potential and strategic signifi -cance has traditionally been of particular importance for Russia’s foreign policy. It was therefore not surprising that a serious deterioration of the political situation in Afghanistan in summer-autumn 2021 caused by the military defeat and the subsequent collapse of the pro-Western regime followed by the seizure of power by the Taliban raised serious concern of the Russian leadership. The developments in Afghanistan have attracted an increasing attention of the expert community, prompting a fl urry of comments and forecasts. Although many of these papers were published hastily, their assessments and conclusion were usually based on the long-term observations. This paper attempts to provide an overview of the military-political situation in the Central Asian region as it was caught by a new crisis in Afghanistan and as it is seen by both Russian and foreign experts. The fi rst section outlines positions and interests of the key regional and non-regional actors that have a signifi cant impact on the military-political situation in Central Asia. The second section examines the response of the Russian Federation to the situation in Afghanistan after the Taliban took power. Finally, the third section provides an overview of the latest expert comments and reports that attempt to assess possible implications of those events for the regional military-political dynamics and the national security interests of the Russian Federation.


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