scholarly journals Who's Afraid of the Imperative Mandate?

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-119
Author(s):  
Massimiliano Tomba
Keyword(s):  
Political Authority ◽  
The State ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Paris Commune ◽  
Populist Movements

Abstract The imperative mandate is a medieval institution that arose in a context in which power was not monopolized by the state, but rather distributed in a plurality of municipalities and assemblies with specific political authority. This system, based on the plurality of the authority of assemblies, is incompatible with the modern state. Indeed, it is explicitly forbidden in many modern Western constitutions. Yet the imperative mandate appears in numerous events throughout modernity that have challenged the principles of the nation-state. It emerges today in populist movements as a response to the crisis of the representative democracy. This essay locates the insurgent legacy of the imperative mandate in the Paris Commune, in the German councils, and in the Zapatistas’ practice of mandar obedeciendo (rule by obeying), in order to consider possible democratic alternatives to representative democracy and the crisis of the nation-state.

2. States, Nations, and Empires

2021 ◽  
pp. 27-47
Author(s):  
Stephanie Lawson
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
The State ◽  
State System ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Global Order ◽  
European State

This chapter discusses what is often regarded as the central institution, not only of domestic or national political order but also of current international or global order—the state. Alongside the state, we must also consider the idea of the nation and the ideology of nationalism—perhaps the most powerful political ideology to emerge in the modern world. There is, however, another form of international political order that has actually been far more common throughout history, and that is empire. With the rise of modernity from around the beginning of the seventeenth century, we also encounter the rise of the modern state and state system in Europe along with ideas about sovereignty, citizenship, the nation-state, and democracy. The chapter then looks at the effective globalization of the European state system through modern imperialism and colonialism and the extent to which these have been productive of contemporary global order.

Nation Building

2020 ◽  
pp. 52-60
Author(s):  
Yael Tamir
Keyword(s):  
Nation Building ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Administrative Service ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Outcomes ◽  
The Way

This chapter investigates what makes nations so powerful and special. It presents two reasons that come to mind: one obvious the other unexpected. The obvious one is institutional and relates to the alliance between the nation and the state. The unexpected, more surprising, reason concerns the fact that the very same features that make nations attractive allies of the modern state — namely, being natural, historical, and continuous entities — are mostly fabricated. The chapter also explores the way nationalism shaped the modern state and provided it with tools necessary to turn from an administrative service into a caring entity that takes on itself not merely the role of a neutral coordinator but also that of a compassionate and attentive mother(land). Ultimately, the chapter examines the social and political outcomes of the lean state and ponders whether some of the advantages of the nation-state could be recovered.

scholarly journals Federal Success in Nigeria: State-Building and Ethnic Conflict Managment

Elements ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sophie Thibodeau
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Management ◽  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
State Building ◽  
The State ◽  
Federal State ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Global Trend

Observers note that instances of ethnic conflict serve as an obvious manifestation of tension between the idea of the nation and the structure of the modern state. The current global rash of allegedly unique ethnic disputes merits a serious assessment of its place within the decline of the nation-state. Along with the notion that the nation-state is in decline, scholars have asserted the presence of another global trend in the use of federalist approaches to nation-building and conflict management. After exploring the possibilities of a relationship beween ethnic conflict and possible solutions in federal theory, this essay grounds these conjectures in an analysis of the Nigerian state. While issues have certainly complicated the path to the success of the federal state in Nigeria, the state should be viewed as generally successful in achieving its end of survival amidst threatening conflict.

scholarly journals NEGARA HUKUM DAN POLITIK HUKUM ISLAM DI INDONESIA: CATATAN KRITIS ATAS PEMIKIRAN NURCHOLISH MADJID

Asy-Syari ah ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Undang Hidayat
Keyword(s):  
Political Authority ◽  
The State ◽  
Modern State ◽  
The Past ◽  
Muslim Scholars

Many muslim scholars believed that the idea and model of legal state had exsited since the first hijriya Islamic century ago, when the prophet of Muhammad SAW declared Madina State, including with all instruments and its requirement of the state such as territory, constitution, society, and declaration. This view is also admitted by the Western Scholars who stated that the Prophet of Muhammad SAW had successfully implemented the bases of political authority and the model of the strongly modern state with the spirit of democracy in the past.

The State and I: Animadversion on National Identification

1998 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 33-47
Author(s):  
Hye-Joon Yoon
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
National Identification ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Military

The equation between nation, state, and people, which Eric Hobsbawm takes to be the mode of modern nation state's existence, can be approached from the angle of the individual's identification with the state as a national superego, of loving the fatherland as one's father. The most dramatic cases of such identification can be found in the military-dictatorial mobilization of the masses as national soldiers sacrificing their lives for the country, of which Napoleon's army offers the classic example. Yet the more peaceful versions of identifying with the state-as-nation also reveal the dangers of such an identification, which appears all the more pathological when the (post)modern state as a mechanism of power increasingly tends to be indifferent to its subjects other than as objects to be controlled by its apparatus of capture epitomized in taxation.

scholarly journals O ESTADO MODERNO E O REGIME DEMOCRÁTICO

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-54
Author(s):  
Lucas Ferreira Furlan ◽  
Alessandro Severino Vallér Zenni
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Democratic Regime ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Current Characteristics

The present study draws a line of correlation between the evolution of the Modern State and the democratic regime. Initially brief considerations were made regarding the origin of the State as a political organization, with its current characteristics. Subsequently, with the necessary synthesis, we pondered on the evolution of the democratic regime, highlighting its manifestations throughouthistory, namely: direct, semi-direct and representative democracy. At the end of the development of the work, brief considerations were made as to the indispensable granting of confidence by the citizens of democratic institutions and their representatives, as a form of stability of the regime. Finally, the final considerations were woven.

1871: The Institutions of Insurgent Universality

2019 ◽  
pp. 71-119
Author(s):  
Massimiliano Tomba
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Private Property ◽  
The State ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Individual Rights ◽  
Entire System ◽  
Paris Commune ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Model ◽  
New Institutions

The third chapter discusses the Paris Commune and the way it prompts us to think about politics beyond a horizon that often assumes to be immutable representative democracy and the principle of private property. It analyzes the Declarations by members of the Commune that claimed the need to “universalize politics and property” via the new institutions of the Universal Republic. In the Commune, the rupture in the state machinery came about not with the seizure of power but through new political institutions that reclaimed other traditions of politics, channeling them into a new trajectory of modernity. The Communards were changing their present order by recombining alternative temporalities and traditions of modernity. Far from being a legal-political model to be realized, the Commune was a political practice that sought to define a new institutional fabric and a new subjectivity. This chapter shows how the Commune reconfigured the entire system of political and legal relations by reactivating intermediate authorities and integrating individual rights with those of groups and associations.

Untimely Development, Ugly History:A Drama in Muslinand the Rejection of National-Historical Time

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-183
Author(s):  
Mary L. Mullen
Keyword(s):  
Everyday Life ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Historical Time ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Core

This article considers the politics and aesthetics of the colonial Bildungsroman by reading George Moore's often-overlooked novel A Drama in Muslin (1886). It argues that the colonial Bildungsroman does not simply register difference from the metropolitan novel of development or express tension between the core and periphery, as Jed Esty suggests, but rather can imagine a heterogeneous historical time that does not find its end in the nation-state. A Drama in Muslin combines naturalist and realist modes, and moves between Ireland and England to construct a form of untimely development that emphasises political processes (dissent, negotiation) rather than political forms (the state, the nation). Ultimately, the messy, discordant history represented in the novel shows the political potential of anachronism as it celebrates the untimeliness of everyday life.

1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat (deel 2)

2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 303-321
Author(s):  
Lode Wils
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The South ◽  
Public Office ◽  
The North ◽  
Ministerial Responsibility ◽  
The Government ◽  
The French Revolution

In het tweede deel van zijn bijdrage 1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat, over de gebeurtenissen van 1830-1831 als slotfase van een passage van de Belgische protonatie doorheen de grote politiek-maatschappelijke en culturele mutaties na de Franse Revolutie, ontwikkelt Lode Wils de stelling dat de periode 1829-1830 de "terminale crisis" vormde van het Koninkrijk der Verenigde Nederlanden. Terwijl koning Willem I definitief had laten verstaan dat hij de ministeriële verantwoordelijkheid definitief afwees en elke kritiek op het regime beschouwde als kritiek op de dynastie, groeide in het Zuiden de synergie in het verzet tussen klerikalen, liberalen en radicale anti-autoritaire groepen. In de vervreemding tussen het Noorden en het Zuiden en de uiteindelijke revolutionaire nationaal-liberale oppositie vanuit het Zuiden, speelde de taalproblematiek een minder belangrijke rol dan het klerikale element en de liberale aversie tegen het vorstelijk absolutisme van Willem I en de aangevoelde uitsluiting van de Belgen uit het openbaar ambt en vooral uit de leiding van de staat.________1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation stateIn the second part of his contribution 1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation state, dealing with the events from 1830-1831 as the concluding phase of a transition of the Belgian pre-nation through the major socio-political and cultural mutations after the French Revolution, Lode Wils develops the thesis that the period of 1829-1830 constituted the "terminal crisis" of the Kingdom of the United Netherlands. Whilst King William I had clearly given to understand that he definitively rejected ministerial responsibility and that he considered any criticism of the regime as a criticism of the dynasty, the synergy of resistance increased between the clericalists, liberals and radical anti-authoritarian groups in the South. In the alienation between the North and the South and the ultimate revolutionary national-liberal opposition from the South the language issue played a less important role than the clericalist element and the liberal aversion against the royal absolutism of William I and the sense of exclusion of the Belgians from public office and particularly from the government of the state.

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