scholarly journals Are Female Leaders Good for Education? Evidence from India

2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 212-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irma Clots-Figueras

This paper shows that the gender of politicians affects the educational levels of individuals who grow up in the districts where these politicians are elected. A unique dataset collected on politicians in India is matched with individual data by cohort and district of residence. The political data allow the identification of close elections between women and men, which yield quasi-experimental election outcomes used to estimate the causal effect of the gender of politicians. Increasing female political representation increases the probability that an individual will attain primary education in urban areas, but not in rural areas, and not in the sample as a whole. (JEL D72, I20, J16, 015, 017)

2018 ◽  
Vol 112 (3) ◽  
pp. 678-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
SACHA KAPOOR ◽  
ARVIND MAGESAN

We estimate the causal effect of independent candidates on voter turnout and election outcomes in India. To do this, we exploit exogenous changes in the entry deposit candidates pay for their participation in the political process, changes that disproportionately excluded candidates with no affiliation to established political parties. A one standard deviation increase in the number of independent candidates increases voter turnout by more than 6 percentage points, as some voters choose to vote rather than stay home. The vote share of independent candidates increases by more than 10 percentage points, as some existing voters switch who they vote for. Thus, independents allow winning candidates to win with less vote share, decrease the probability of electing a candidate from the governing coalition by about 31 percentage points, and ultimately increase the probability of electing an ethnic-party candidate. Altogether, the results imply that the price of participation by independents is constituency representation in government.


Author(s):  
Lutfiye Özdemir ◽  
Orhan Polat

This study was conducted to determine the effect of training in the prevention of migration as an obstacle for sustainable rural development. In this context, the causes of migration from rural areas to the cities were investigated and evaluated the educational status of people living in the villages. For this purpose, research has been implemented in rural part of Turkey’s Central Anatolia, Mediterranean and Black regions. Research data were collected by applying a questionnaire to the region inhabitants. A total of 123 questionnaires were evaluated. On statistical analysis, Cronbach's alpha value was found to be .833. Consequently, accessed findings are: 1) People living in region have low educational levels. 2) None of the participants had received any training related to agriculture in high school. 3) The proportion of participants receiving vocational training in related to agriculture, except for state schools is low. 4) Lack of education is one of the important reasons of the migration from rural to urban areas. 5) If enough agricultural education is given to region habitants, natural resources to ensure the survival of future generations are protected.


2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 1023-1057
Author(s):  
Adam Bonica ◽  
Howard Rosenthal ◽  
Kristy Blackwood ◽  
David J. Rothman

Abstract Context: The distribution of physicians across geography and employers has important implications for the delivery of medical services. This study examines how the political beliefs of physicians influence their decisions about where to live and work. Methods: Physician relocation and employment patterns are analyzed with a panel constructed from the National Provider Identifier directory. Data on political donations are used to measure the political preferences of physicians. Findings: The “ideological fit” between a physician and his or her community is a key predictor of both relocation and employment decisions. A Democratic physician in a predominantly Republican area is twice as likely to relocate as a Republican counterpart living there; the reverse is also true for Republicans living in Democratic areas. Physicians who do not share the political orientation of their colleagues are more likely to change workplaces within the same geographic area. Conclusions: Physicians are actively sorting along political lines. Younger physicians have trended sharply to the left and are increasingly drawn to urban areas with physician surpluses and away from rural areas suffering from physician shortages. The findings also help explain why physician shortages are more prevalent among left-leaning specialties such as psychiatry.


2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (35) ◽  
pp. 65-80
Author(s):  
Radosław Linkowski

Abstract The purpose of the paper is to describe changes in support for the four principal political options (‘right’, ‘left’, ‘liberal’, ‘peasant’) available in the Kraków Metropolitan Area (KMA) in parliamentary elections in the period 1993–2011. The electoral behaviour of the residents of the various KMA zones became increasingly similar in the study period. The political ‘distance’ between the northern commuter zone of the KMA (part of the Russian partition in the 19th c.) and the rest of the KMA, decreased significantly. The suburban zone of Kraków also changed over the course of the study period by becoming significantly similar to the city in terms of voting behaviour. This political change was largely due to substantial social and economic changes in the rural parts of the metropolitan area. Urban areas in the KMA were much more stable in their voting patterns and tended to politically resemble one another much more than rural areas. The city of Kraków and the southern part of its commuter zone – part of the Austrian partition in the 19th c. – were characterized by fewer fluctuations in voting behaviour than the two remaining parts of the KMA.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (23) ◽  
pp. 34-49
Author(s):  
Chellai Fatih

Abstract Under-five-child mortality remains a major challenge for governments in the Arab world to achieve Sustainable Development Goals. Thus, further studies are needed to analyze the determinants of child mortality. The Multiple Indicators Cluster Surveys (MICS) datasets of six Arab countries (Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Mauritania, Sudan, and Tunisia) have been used, which are consisting of 249.000 children nested within 54.644 mothers. The study was designed in a women-parity-covered one to six birth order. Binary multivariable logistic models were used to estimate the risk ratios of death by adjusting for child sex, birth outcome (twin vs. singleton), mother’s education level, maternal age, previous birth interval, place of residence (rural vs. urban), and the family wealth index. The findings revealed that the under-five child mortality rates were 87, 70,66,35,36, and 21 per 1000 live births in Sudan, Mauritania, Egypt, Iraq, Algeria, and Tunisia, respectively). First-born infants in these six countries have a higher risk of mortality during their five years of life. Second, third-and fourth-born infants were at a decreased risk of death compared to first-born infants in all countries; in contrast, fifth-and-sixth-born infants were at an increased risk in all countries except Sudan and Mauritania. Twin children have a higher risk of death than singletons in all countries and across all birth orders. Children of mothers with higher educational levels living in urban areas are at lower risk of death than their peers across all birth orders. Regarding policy implications, decision-makers can target three main axes: first, enhancing women’s educational levels; second, increasing birth intervals (birth spacing policies); and third, improving living standards and healthcare strategies, especially in rural areas to improve child and mother health.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (24) ◽  
pp. 144-176
Author(s):  
Junaidi Awang Besar

Malacca is a state that has a mix of voters of 58 percent of voters are ethnic Malays. Malay voters in the state known for its rigid and fanatical supporters of UMNO makes the majority of Malays in the country contributed to a major victory for the BN/UMNO in the general election. The state is known for its legendary Hang Tuah with the slogan "Tak Melayu Hilang Di Dunia" has loyal voters who support UMNO is also a sacred Malay party since before independence. But since the 2008 general election, Chinese voters who originally also supported BN have turned to DAP and other opposition component parties. Urban areas and the majority of ethnic Chinese voters continue to be dominated by DAP and its allied opposition parties. The culmination of the 14th General Election (GE), 2018, finally the state fell to the opposition party pact, Pakatan Harapan (PH) with a slim majority with 15 DUNs won by PH compared to 13 DUNs controlled by BN. Therefore, the purpose of writing this article is to analyze the State of Melaka in Malaysian geopolitics in the pre-GE-14, GE-14, and post-GE-14. Based on the analysis of GE 2018 results data, field observations and analysis of secondary sources such as journal articles and conference papers, the findings show that PH's success in capturing the Melaka from BN is an amazing event and beyond the expectations of all parties. However, the political change was due to national issues and the determination to bring down BN by voters, especially the young or first-time voters. Although PH managed to capture the Melaka PH only won with a slim majority of only 2 DUNs. PH win in urban areas and the majority of ethnic Chinese and the BN/UMNO continues to excel in the rural areas and the majority ethnic Malays. Then when BERSATU left PH and formed the National Alliance (PN) together with BN/UMNO, PAS, GPS, and GBS which controlled the Federal Government in March 2020 then the Melaka State Government also fell from PH to PN led by BN as a result of the party jump by two BERSATU assemblymen, one PKR assemblyman and one DAP assemblyman made PN controls 17 DUN seats while PH only has 11 DUN seats left. Such is the science of politics, nothing is impossible and politics itself is dynamic, artistic, and sometimes difficult to anticipate. Therefore, all parties must accept the political decision of the people of Melaka and give the opportunity to the leadership of the State Government to carry out their responsibilities as rulers in this state to implement the manifesto or 'commitment' during the five years of their rule in this historic state.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christof Nägel ◽  
Mark Lutter

ABSTRACT: Using a quasi-experimental research design, this study examines changes in attitudes toward refugees after the terrorist attack on the Berlin Christmas Market of December 19, 2016. In our analysis, we make use of random variation in the field period of the European Social Survey (ESS) to fashion a natural experimental design. The survey’s field period took place in Germany from August 23, 2016, to March 26, 2017. Hence, the Christmas market attack took place approximately halfway through the ESS’s field phase, thus making it possible to study the causal effect on changing attitudes toward minorities before and after the attack. We argue that the terrorist attack creates a spillover effect and negatively shapes public opinion of uninvolved ethnic minorities. Our data analysis suggests that immediately after the event, only people with a right-wing political attitude appear to be affected by the proposed spillover effect. However, we find that the worsening of attitudes toward refugees can also be observed in the general population as time progresses. We do not find variation according to educational levels.


Author(s):  
Erica Marat

This chapter argues that incidents of transformative violence in the periphery fail to generate enough public revulsion to spark an open debate about how policing must change. Vulnerable individuals in the periphery lack the connections with civil society activists, mostly concentrated in urban areas, who would advocate for their rights. Many rural-based activists and NGOs call for a police overhaul in the aftermath of these episodes of transformative violence, but their voices are not as loud or as unified as those speaking about similar events in urban areas. The national leadership’s response to outbreaks of transformative violence in rural areas aims at closing the center’s governance gap where the public rebels against unpopular local authorities. As a result, the state moves to increase the political loyalty of the local police to the center under the pretense of police reform.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (20) ◽  
pp. 70
Author(s):  
Eréndira Juanita Cano Contreras

Los huertos familiares, como sistemas productivos tradicionales, representan uno de los espacios más importantes en la transmisión y generación de conocimientos. La soberanía alimentaria propone el ejercicio político de la autodeterminación y autoabastecimiento de productos alimenticios sanos para las personas y el ambiente; abarca la libertad de colectivos, familias e individuos para elegir sus alimentos y las formas de producirlos e intercambiarlos, además de que legitimiza el derecho al acceso a alimentos sanos y a la no utilización de políticas neoliberales especulativas con éstos. En el presente escrito se presentan las características generales de los huertos familiares propuestas desde la academia en América Latina y se ofrece una reflexión acerca de cómo estas características pueden representar un camino para la soberanía alimentaria tanto en entornos rurales como en medios urbanos y suburbanos. HOME GARDENS: A PATH WAY TOWARDS FOOD SOVEREIGNTY Home gardens, as traditional systems of production, represent one of the most important areas through which knowledge is generated and transmitted. Food sovereignty proposes the political exercise of self-determination and self-supply of produce that is healthy both for people and the environment. It comprises the freedom that collectives, families and individuals have to choose the food they eat and the way to produce and exchange it. Besides, it legitimizes the right to gain access to healthy food and to reject speculation-based neoliberal policies in this field. The reflection in this article is geared to review how the general characteristics of home gardens proposed by Latin America academics may represent a pathway toward food sovereignty in both rural areas and urban and sub-urban areas.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-221
Author(s):  
Christof Nägel ◽  
Mark Lutter

Abstract Using a quasi-experimental research design, this study examines changes in attitudes toward refugees after the terrorist attack on the Berlin Christmas market of December 19, 2016. In our analysis, we make use of random variation in the field period of the European Social Survey (ESS) to fashion a natural experimental design. The survey’s field period took place in Germany from August 23, 2016, to March 26, 2017. Hence, the Christmas market attack took place approximately halfway through the ESS’s field phase, thus making it possible to study the causal effect on changing attitudes toward minorities before and after the attack. We argue that the terrorist attack creates a spillover effect and negatively shapes public opinion of uninvolved ethnic minorities. Our data analysis suggests that immediately after the event, only people with a right-wing political attitude appear to be affected by the proposed spillover effect. However, we find that the worsening of attitudes toward refugees can also be observed in the general population as time progresses. We do not find variation according to educational levels.


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