Ideological Sorting of Physicians in Both Geography and the Workplace

2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 1023-1057
Author(s):  
Adam Bonica ◽  
Howard Rosenthal ◽  
Kristy Blackwood ◽  
David J. Rothman

Abstract Context: The distribution of physicians across geography and employers has important implications for the delivery of medical services. This study examines how the political beliefs of physicians influence their decisions about where to live and work. Methods: Physician relocation and employment patterns are analyzed with a panel constructed from the National Provider Identifier directory. Data on political donations are used to measure the political preferences of physicians. Findings: The “ideological fit” between a physician and his or her community is a key predictor of both relocation and employment decisions. A Democratic physician in a predominantly Republican area is twice as likely to relocate as a Republican counterpart living there; the reverse is also true for Republicans living in Democratic areas. Physicians who do not share the political orientation of their colleagues are more likely to change workplaces within the same geographic area. Conclusions: Physicians are actively sorting along political lines. Younger physicians have trended sharply to the left and are increasingly drawn to urban areas with physician surpluses and away from rural areas suffering from physician shortages. The findings also help explain why physician shortages are more prevalent among left-leaning specialties such as psychiatry.

2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 212-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irma Clots-Figueras

This paper shows that the gender of politicians affects the educational levels of individuals who grow up in the districts where these politicians are elected. A unique dataset collected on politicians in India is matched with individual data by cohort and district of residence. The political data allow the identification of close elections between women and men, which yield quasi-experimental election outcomes used to estimate the causal effect of the gender of politicians. Increasing female political representation increases the probability that an individual will attain primary education in urban areas, but not in rural areas, and not in the sample as a whole. (JEL D72, I20, J16, 015, 017)


2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (35) ◽  
pp. 65-80
Author(s):  
Radosław Linkowski

Abstract The purpose of the paper is to describe changes in support for the four principal political options (‘right’, ‘left’, ‘liberal’, ‘peasant’) available in the Kraków Metropolitan Area (KMA) in parliamentary elections in the period 1993–2011. The electoral behaviour of the residents of the various KMA zones became increasingly similar in the study period. The political ‘distance’ between the northern commuter zone of the KMA (part of the Russian partition in the 19th c.) and the rest of the KMA, decreased significantly. The suburban zone of Kraków also changed over the course of the study period by becoming significantly similar to the city in terms of voting behaviour. This political change was largely due to substantial social and economic changes in the rural parts of the metropolitan area. Urban areas in the KMA were much more stable in their voting patterns and tended to politically resemble one another much more than rural areas. The city of Kraków and the southern part of its commuter zone – part of the Austrian partition in the 19th c. – were characterized by fewer fluctuations in voting behaviour than the two remaining parts of the KMA.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena Flores-Guillen ◽  
Itandehui Castro-Quezada ◽  
Hector Ochoa ◽  
Rosario Garcia-Miranda ◽  
Miguel Cruz ◽  
...  

Objectives: The objective of this study was to determine the prevalence of cardiovascular risk factors among different sociodemographic and geographic areas of adolescents from indigenous areas of Chiapas, Mexico. Design: A cross-sectional study. Setting: Communities in the Totzil - Tseltal and Selva region of Chiapas, Mexico, were studied. Urban and rural areas of high marginalization according to the Human Development Index. Participants: 253 adolescents were studied, of which 48.2% were girls and 51.8% were boys. Primary and secondary outcome measures: a descriptive analysis of the quantitative variables was performed through central tendency and dispersion measures. Prevalence of cardiovascular risk factors and 95% confidence intervals (95% CI), stratified by sex, geographic area (rural/urban), schooling and ethnicity of mothers were estimated. Results: the predominant risk factor in the study population was low HDL-c (51%). Higher prevalences of abdominal obesity and high triglycerides in girls were found and abnormal diastolic blood pressure in boys was identified. In urban areas were found greater prevalences of overweight/obesity and of insulin resistance while abnormal blood pressure levels were more prevalent in rural areas. Differences were found in the educational levels and ethnicity of the adolescents' mothers. Prevalence of metabolic syndrome was 10% according to NCEP-ATPIII. Conclusions: In this study, sociodemographic and geographical disparities were found in cardiovascular risk factors. Prevalence of risk factors was high, affecting mostly girls and urban population. Thus, there is a great need to promote healthy lifestyles and health, social and economic interventions to prevent chronic diseases in adulthood.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-60
Author(s):  
Nostalgiawan Wahyudhi

The previous studies of Islamization in Java follow a clear distinction of Priyayi-Abangan-Santri thesis, which was gradually developed and incompatible to capture the changing of political preferences of Javanese Muslims. This paper examines what kind of patterns formed on the dynamics of the Islamization process in Java under the influence of socio-political changes. The output of this paper is to show the pattern of Islamization process in Java under the political dynamic changes of Indonesian politics in the early twentieth century. The pattern of Islamization in Java was influenced by ethical policy, the transmission of Middle East Islam, and caused by the politization of Islam by the Colonial government. The ethical policy encouraged the creation of a public space for political contestations that determined the new identity of Indonesian elite. The transmission of Middle Eastern Islam triggered the polarization of Javanese Muslims into two patterns: the modernist Muslim strengthened the pattern of Priyayi-Santri in urban communities with Islamization through modern institutions. In this, the traditionalist Muslim also developed an intellectual genealogy through Pesantren networks scattered in the rural areas created the pattern of Santri-Abangan. Meanwhile the politization of Islam by Colonial government created a benefit to the unification of Islamic institutions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 417
Author(s):  
Lan Mu ◽  
Yusi Liu ◽  
Donglan Zhang ◽  
Yong Gao ◽  
Michelle Nuss ◽  
...  

Physician shortages are more pronounced in rural than in urban areas. The geography of medical school application and matriculation could provide insights into geographic differences in physician availability. Using data from the Association of American Medical Colleges (AAMC), we conducted geospatial analyses, and developed origin–destination (O–D) trajectories and conceptual graphs to understand the root cause of rural physician shortages. Geographic disparities exist at a significant level in medical school applications in the US. The total number of medical school applications increased by 38% from 2001 to 2015, but the number had decreased by 2% in completely rural counties. Most counties with no medical school applicants were in rural areas (88%). Rurality had a significant negative association with the application rate and explained 15.3% of the variation at the county level. The number of medical school applications in a county was disproportional to the population by rurality. Applicants from completely rural counties (2% of the US population) represented less than 1% of the total medical school applications. Our results can inform recruitment strategies for new medical school students, elucidate location decisions of new medical schools, provide recommendations to close the rural–urban gap in medical school applications, and reduce physician shortages in rural areas.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (24) ◽  
pp. 144-176
Author(s):  
Junaidi Awang Besar

Malacca is a state that has a mix of voters of 58 percent of voters are ethnic Malays. Malay voters in the state known for its rigid and fanatical supporters of UMNO makes the majority of Malays in the country contributed to a major victory for the BN/UMNO in the general election. The state is known for its legendary Hang Tuah with the slogan "Tak Melayu Hilang Di Dunia" has loyal voters who support UMNO is also a sacred Malay party since before independence. But since the 2008 general election, Chinese voters who originally also supported BN have turned to DAP and other opposition component parties. Urban areas and the majority of ethnic Chinese voters continue to be dominated by DAP and its allied opposition parties. The culmination of the 14th General Election (GE), 2018, finally the state fell to the opposition party pact, Pakatan Harapan (PH) with a slim majority with 15 DUNs won by PH compared to 13 DUNs controlled by BN. Therefore, the purpose of writing this article is to analyze the State of Melaka in Malaysian geopolitics in the pre-GE-14, GE-14, and post-GE-14. Based on the analysis of GE 2018 results data, field observations and analysis of secondary sources such as journal articles and conference papers, the findings show that PH's success in capturing the Melaka from BN is an amazing event and beyond the expectations of all parties. However, the political change was due to national issues and the determination to bring down BN by voters, especially the young or first-time voters. Although PH managed to capture the Melaka PH only won with a slim majority of only 2 DUNs. PH win in urban areas and the majority of ethnic Chinese and the BN/UMNO continues to excel in the rural areas and the majority ethnic Malays. Then when BERSATU left PH and formed the National Alliance (PN) together with BN/UMNO, PAS, GPS, and GBS which controlled the Federal Government in March 2020 then the Melaka State Government also fell from PH to PN led by BN as a result of the party jump by two BERSATU assemblymen, one PKR assemblyman and one DAP assemblyman made PN controls 17 DUN seats while PH only has 11 DUN seats left. Such is the science of politics, nothing is impossible and politics itself is dynamic, artistic, and sometimes difficult to anticipate. Therefore, all parties must accept the political decision of the people of Melaka and give the opportunity to the leadership of the State Government to carry out their responsibilities as rulers in this state to implement the manifesto or 'commitment' during the five years of their rule in this historic state.


Author(s):  
Erica Marat

This chapter argues that incidents of transformative violence in the periphery fail to generate enough public revulsion to spark an open debate about how policing must change. Vulnerable individuals in the periphery lack the connections with civil society activists, mostly concentrated in urban areas, who would advocate for their rights. Many rural-based activists and NGOs call for a police overhaul in the aftermath of these episodes of transformative violence, but their voices are not as loud or as unified as those speaking about similar events in urban areas. The national leadership’s response to outbreaks of transformative violence in rural areas aims at closing the center’s governance gap where the public rebels against unpopular local authorities. As a result, the state moves to increase the political loyalty of the local police to the center under the pretense of police reform.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (20) ◽  
pp. 70
Author(s):  
Eréndira Juanita Cano Contreras

Los huertos familiares, como sistemas productivos tradicionales, representan uno de los espacios más importantes en la transmisión y generación de conocimientos. La soberanía alimentaria propone el ejercicio político de la autodeterminación y autoabastecimiento de productos alimenticios sanos para las personas y el ambiente; abarca la libertad de colectivos, familias e individuos para elegir sus alimentos y las formas de producirlos e intercambiarlos, además de que legitimiza el derecho al acceso a alimentos sanos y a la no utilización de políticas neoliberales especulativas con éstos. En el presente escrito se presentan las características generales de los huertos familiares propuestas desde la academia en América Latina y se ofrece una reflexión acerca de cómo estas características pueden representar un camino para la soberanía alimentaria tanto en entornos rurales como en medios urbanos y suburbanos. HOME GARDENS: A PATH WAY TOWARDS FOOD SOVEREIGNTY Home gardens, as traditional systems of production, represent one of the most important areas through which knowledge is generated and transmitted. Food sovereignty proposes the political exercise of self-determination and self-supply of produce that is healthy both for people and the environment. It comprises the freedom that collectives, families and individuals have to choose the food they eat and the way to produce and exchange it. Besides, it legitimizes the right to gain access to healthy food and to reject speculation-based neoliberal policies in this field. The reflection in this article is geared to review how the general characteristics of home gardens proposed by Latin America academics may represent a pathway toward food sovereignty in both rural areas and urban and sub-urban areas.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Ali Arslan ◽  
Gülten Arslan

The major objective of this study is to examine and discuss the Presidential System in Turkey and the transformative influence of the migration on the political attitudes and behaviour of the individuals. Mersin is one of the most important city of the Mediterranean Region of Turkey and takes migration from the most part of the Turkey. Mersin city center selected as the sampling group. Mersin is a metropolitan city of Turkey It has been taking huge migration especially from the East and the South East Anatolian regions. The proportion of migrants has been reached about seventy per cent of the population of Mersin city. According to the Official data of TSI of 2018, about 1.793.931 people were living in the 2017 in the province of Mersin.Multiple research techniques are used to realise the aim. Main data were gathered from the field. A rather comprehensive field research with more than 1000 individuals were realised about Presidential System in Mersin city center in 2017. Observation, historical and documentary research techniques were used too.Developments in the fields of science, technology and especially information technology have led to profound changes in social, cultural, economic and political life. All this happened in Turkey's political structure and system has made it mandatory changes and transformations. Consequently Turkey left the parliamentary system of government that ruled for nearly a century, it has decided to pass the presidential system of government in 2018.Findings reveal that this transition process gives different responses to different segments of the society. Similar situation is observed in Mersin province. Relatively, those living in more homogeneous rural areas support this system change at a higher rate; living in urban areas that have been heavily immigrated have been in much lower levels of support for this process. Extended English summary is in the end of Full Text PDF (TURKISH) file.  ÖzetBu çalışmada, Türkiye’de Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemi ve Türkiye’nin bu sisteme geçiş sürecinde göçün, bireylerin siyasi tutum ve davranışları üzerindeki etkisi incelendi. Araştırma da örneklem olarak Mersin şehir merkezi seçildi. Doğu Akdeniz Havzası’nın en önemli yerleşim birimlerinden biri olan Mersin’de, 2018 yılı TÜİK ADNKS verilerine göre, 2017 yılı itibarıyla 1.793.931 kişi yaşamaktadır. İl nüfusunun 898.557’sini kadınlar, 895.374’ünü de erkekler oluşturmaktadır. Mersin, son yıllarda aldığı yoğun göç ile dikkat çeken bir metropol kent konumundadır. Özellikle Doğu Anadolu ve Güneydoğu Anadolu bölgelerinden yoğun göç alan Mersin’in kent merkezinde göç ile gelenlerin oranı yüzde 70’leri bulmuştur.Çalışmada çoklu araştırma teknikleri kullanıldı. Araştırmada temel veri kaynağı olarak 2017 yılında Mersin’de, yaklaşık 1000 kişi ile bireylerin Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemine yönelik beklenti, tutum ve davranışlarını ortaya koymak maksadıyla gerçekleştirilen saha araştırmasından elde edilen verilerden yararlanıldı. Buna ilaveten çalışmada, gözlem ve tarihsel doküman araştırması tekniklerinden de faydalanıldı.Bilim, teknoloji ve özellikle de bilişim teknolojileri alanında yaşanan gelişmeler toplumsal, kültürel, ekonomik ve siyasal hayatta son derece önemli değişimlere sebep olmuştur. Bütün bu yaşananlar, Türkiye’nin siyasal yapı ve sisteminde de değişim ve dönüşümleri zorunlu hale getirmiştir. Bunların neticesinde Türkiye, 2018 yılında, yaklaşık bir asırdır yönetildiği parlamenter hükümet sistemi bırakıp, Cumhurbaşkanlığı hükümet sistemine geçme kararı almıştır.Bulgular, bu geçiş sürecine toplumun farklık kesimleri, farklı tepkiler verdiğini ortaya koymaktadır. Mersin ili özelinde de benzer durum gözlemlenir. Göreceli olarak, daha homojen özellik arz eden kırsal kesimler de yaşayanlar bu sistem değişikliğini daha yüksek oranda desteklerken; yoğun göç almış kentsel alanlarda yaşayanların bu sürece desteği çok daha düşük seviyelerde olmuştur.


BMJ Open ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (9) ◽  
pp. e023696 ◽  
Author(s):  
Koji Hara ◽  
Susumu Kunisawa ◽  
Noriko Sasaki ◽  
Yuichi Imanaka

IntroductionThe geographical inequity of physicians is a serious problem in Japan. However, there is little evidence of inequity in the future geographical distribution of physicians, even though the future physician supply at the national level has been estimated. In addition, possible changes in the age and sex distribution of future physicians are unclear. Thus, the purpose of this study is to project the future geographical distribution of physicians and their demographics.MethodsWe used a cohort-component model with the following assumptions: basic population, future mortality rate, future new registration rate, and future in-migration and out-migration rates. We examined changes in the number of physicians from 2005 to 2035 in secondary medical areas (SMAs) in Japan. To clarify the trends by regional characteristics, SMAs were divided into four groups based on urban or rural status and initial physician supply (lower/higher). The number of physicians was calculated separately by sex and age strata.ResultsFrom 2005 to 2035, the absolute number of physicians aged 25–64 will decline by 6.1% in rural areas with an initially lower physician supply, but it will increase by 37.0% in urban areas with an initially lower supply. The proportion of aged physicians will increase in all areas, especially in rural ones with an initially lower supply, where it will change from 14.4% to 31.3%. The inequity in the geographical distribution of physicians will expand despite an increase in the number of physicians in rural areas.ConclusionsWe found that the geographical disparity of physicians will worsen from 2005 to 2035. Furthermore, physicians aged 25–64 will be more concentrated in urban areas, and physicians will age more rapidly in rural places than urban ones. The regional disparity in the physician supply will worsen in the future if new and drastic measures are not taken.


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