scholarly journals On differential object marking in Southern and Central Selkup

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-186
Author(s):  
Hannah Wegener
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Study Data ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Contributing Factors ◽  
Differential Object Marking ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Information Status ◽  
Direct Objects ◽  
Object Marking ◽  
Imperative Mood

The phenomenon of differential object marking has been investigated for a number of languages of the world. Studies have been carried out for individual languages as well as from a typological point of view. It is broadly described as an alternation in case marking of the direct objects. Triggers for the case alternation can be the referent’s animacy, information structure, modus, and definiteness among others. In the present study data from Central and Southern Selkup are investigated with respect to case marking of nominal and pronominal direct objects. Nominal direct objects exhibit instances of accusative and nominative marking while the latter show consistent accusative marking. Analyzing the contributing factors for the different kinds of case marking, imperative mood appeared to have an impact, the information status as well as structural properties of the object, i.e. whether it is part of a direct object phrase or coordination. Possessive direct objects behave similar in that they are mostly in accusative and only occasionally nominative marked. As opposed to the non-possessive direct objects, no variation in information status can be registered.Аннотация. Ханна Вегенер: О дифференцированном маркировании объекта в южном и центральном селькупском. Дифференциальное маркирование объекта было предметом исследования во многих языках мира. Такого рода исследования проводились как применительно к материалам отдельных языков, так и в типологическом аспекте. Дифференцированное маркирование объекта по сути является вариативностью в падежном оформлении объекта. Среди прочего на выбор падежа объекта влияют: одушевленность, коммуникативная структура предложения, модус и определенность. В настоящем исследовании данные центрального и южного селькупского исследуются с точки зрения падежного маркирования прямых объектов, выраженных именем существительным или местоимением. Объект, выраженный существительным, допускает аккузативное и номинативное оформление, в то время как объект, выраженный местоимением, последователен в использовании аккузатива. В процессе анализа возможных факторов было выявлено, что влияние оказывают повелительное наклонение, коммуникативный статус, а также структурные особенности объекта: является ли он частью большей группы или конструкции с однородными членами. Посессивные прямые объекты ведут себя похоже, поскольку предпочитают аккузативное оформление и лишь изредка номинативное. Однако в отличие от непосессивных объектов у них не наблюдалось вариативности в оформлении, обусловленной коммуникативной структурой.Ключевые слова: падежное оформление актантов, дифференциальное маркирование объекта, уральские языки, самодийские языки, селькупский язык, синтаксисKokkuvõte. Hannah Wegener: Eristavast objektimarkeeringust lõuna- ja kesksölkupi keeltes. Eristava objektimarkeeringu nähtust on uuritud hulgas maailma keeltes. Uurimusi on läbi viidud nii üksikute keelte tasandil kui ka tüpoloogilisest vaatenurgast. Üldiselt kirjeldatakse eristavat objektimarkeeringut kui osasihitise käände varieerumist. Faktorid, mis variatsiooni põhjustavad, on muuhulgas viidatava elusus, infostruktuur, kõneviis, ja definiitsus. Selles uurimuses vaadeldakse kesk- ja lõunasölkupi keelematerjali pidades silmas käänd- ja asesõnaliste täissihitiste käändeid. Käändsõnalised täissihitised esinevad akusatiivis ja nominatiivis, samas kui asesõnalised täissihitised on järjepidevalt akusatiivis. Uurides erinevat käändevalikut põhjustavaid faktoreid, näib käskival kõneviisil olevat mõju nii infostruktuurile kui ka sihitise struktuurilistele omadustele, st kas see on osa sihitis-fraasist või koordinatsioonist. Possessiivsed täissihitised käituvad sarnaselt ja esinevad peamiselt akusatiivis ning vaid üksikutel juhtudel ka nominatiivis. Vastupidiselt mittepossessiivsetele täissihitistele ei ilmne siin infostaatuse variatsioone.Märksõnad: argumendimarkeering, eristav objektimarkeering, uurali keeled, samojeedi keeled, sölkup, süntaks

scholarly journals A Study of DOM in Asturian (‘Dialectu Vaqueiru’)

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-140
Author(s):  
Avelino Corral Esteban
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Differential Object Marking ◽  
Ancestral Form ◽  
Northwestern Spain ◽  
Direct Objects ◽  
Object Marking ◽  
And Function

The present paper explores Differential Object Marking in a variety of Asturian (Western Iberian Romance) spoken in western Asturias (northwestern Spain). This ancestral form of speech stands out from Central Asturian and especially from Standard Spanish. For a number of reasons, ranging from profound changes in pronunciation, vocabulary, morphology and information structure to slight but very relevant effects on syntax. The main goal of this study is to examine the special marking of direct objects in order to find out what triggers the distribution of Differential Object Marking in this variety. To this aim, this paper will examine, from a variationist perspective, the influence of a number of semantic and discourse-pragmatic parameters on the marking of direct objects in this Western Asturian language as well as in Standard Spanish 1 and Central Asturian (which is generally considered the normative variety of Asturian). The results obtained from this comparison will allow us to outline the differences between these three varieties in terms of object marking, shedding more light on the origin and function of Differential Object Marking in Spanish.

scholarly journals The impact of information structure on the emergence of differential object marking: an experimental study

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shira Tal ◽  
Kenny Smith ◽  
Jennifer Culbertson ◽  
Eitan Grossman ◽  
Inbal Arnon
Keyword(s):  
Language Learning ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Information Structure ◽  
Alternative Hypothesis ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Language Typology ◽  
Differential Object Marking ◽  
New Information ◽  
Object Marking ◽  
The Impact

Many languages exhibit differential object marking (DOM), where only certain types of grammatical objects are marked with morphological case. Traditionally, it has been claimed that DOM arises as a way to prevent ambiguity by marking objects that might otherwise be mistaken for subjects (e.g., animate objects). While some recent experimental work supports this account (Fedzechkina et al., 2012), research on language typology suggests at least one alternative hypothesis. In particular, DOM may instead arise as a way of marking objects that are atypical from the point of view of information structure. According to this account, rather than being marked to avoid ambiguity, objects are marked when they are given (already familiar in the discourse) rather than new. Here, we experimentally investigate this hypothesis using two artificial language learning experiments. We find that information structure impacts participants’ object-marking, but in an indirect way: atypical information structure leads to a change of word order, which then triggers increased object marking. Interestingly, this staged process of change is compatible with documented cases of DOM emergence (Iemmolo, 2013). We argue that this process is driven by two cognitive tendencies. First, a tendency to place discourse given information before new information, and second, a tendency to mark non-canonical word order. Taken together, our findings provide corroborating evidence for the role of information structure in the emergence of DOM systems.

Non-canonical case marking on subjects in Russian and Lithuanian

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-196
Author(s):  
Marco Magnani
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Semantic Features ◽  
Nominative Case ◽  
Differential Object Marking ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
The Subject ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
Object Marking ◽  
Role Of Information

Abstract In case-marking languages with nominative-accusative alignment the subject of a sentence is usually marked by nominative case. In some of these languages, however, the subject of a number of verbs is either consistently or alternately marked by another, non-nominative case. Such non-canonical case marking has often been approached in the linguistic literature as a phenomenon at the interface between syntax and semantics. Yet the predictions of this kind of approach seem more probabilistic than regular. This paper offers a new perspective to analyse the phenomenon, which encompasses the role of information structure in case marking. Drawing on Silverstein’s (1976) theory of differential subject marking and Dalrymple & Nikolaeva’s (2011) approach to differential object marking, it is argued that non-canonically case-marked subjects can be better analysed as instances of either non-topical subjects or subjects lacking one or more semantic features typical of topicality. The approach outlined in the paper is tested on a number of constructions in Russian and Lithuanian. It is shown how, in both languages, the analysed instances of non-canonically case-marked subjects exhibit a complex interplay among grammatical, semantic and discourse-pragmatic factors.

scholarly journals Object and Subject Case Marking in Behdini

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 205
Author(s):  
Shivan Toma
Keyword(s):  
Study Data ◽  
Linguistic Knowledge ◽  
Differential Object Marking ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Subject And Object ◽  
Object Marking ◽  
Split Ergativity ◽  
The Way

Behdini, a variety of Kurdish, is known to be a morphologically rich language demonstrating both subject and object case marking in an unusual typological distribution. This paper reviews differential object marking (DOM) and differential subject marking (DSM) exemplified by a number of allocated languages, and then DOM and DSM are tested whether they apply on Behdini. This study is designed to answer whether Behdini shows DOM or DSM or whether the way Behdini argument structures are encoded in split ergativity completely governs the case marking of objects and subjects in Behdini. Therefore, ergativity in Behdini is tackled in this study. Data to be applied on Behdini in the process of analysing DOM and DSM are inspired from various studies, and my own linguistic knowledge of Behdini is used for the analysis. The results of the study show that the way split ergativity operates in Behdini entirely accounts for object and subject case marking, concluding that Beddini does not demonstrate DOM and DSM.

scholarly journals Case-Marking Strategies

2008 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 565-587 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen de Hoop ◽  
Andrej L. Malchukov
Keyword(s):  
Optimality Theory ◽  
Theory Analysis ◽  
Natural Languages ◽  
Differential Object Marking ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Bidirectional Optimality Theory ◽  
Object Marking

Two strategies of case marking in natural languages are discussed. These are defined as two violable constraints whose effects are shown to converge in the case of differential object marking but diverge in the case of differential subject marking. The discourse prominence of the case-bearing arguments is shown to be of utmost importance for case-marking and voice alternations. The analysis of the case-marking patterns that are found crosslinguistically is couched in a bidirectional Optimality Theory analysis.

Differential object marking in Catalan

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monica Alexandrina Irimia ◽  
Anna Pineda
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Differential Object Marking ◽  
Theoretical Contribution ◽  
The Core ◽  
Nominal Structure ◽  
Comprehensive Picture ◽  
Widespread Phenomenon ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Object Marking ◽  
Case Feature

Abstract In this paper we provide a comprehensive picture of differential object marking in Catalan, focusing on both the empirical facts and their theoretical contribution. We support some important conclusions. First, Catalan differential object marking is quite a robust and widespread phenomenon, contrary to what prescriptive grammars assume. Second, we show that, from a formal perspective, Catalan differential object marking cannot be completely subsumed under hierarchical generalizations known as scales. The contribution of narrow syntax mechanisms and nominal structure is fundamental, supporting recent views by López (2012) or Ormazabal and Romero (2007, 2010, 2013a, b), a.o. Building on these works as well as on observations initially made by Cornilescu (2000) and Rodríguez-Mondoñedo (2007), a.o., we adopt an analysis under which canonical, animacy-based differential marking results from the presence of an additional (PERSON) feature, beyond Case. This structural make-up is not only at the core of differences marked objects exhibit from unmarked objects with a Case feature, but also derives the prominence of differential marking on (animates) under information-structure processes, in the high left (and right) periphery, in contexts of the type discussed by Escandell-Vidal (2007a, b, 2009).

Differential object marking in Modern Romanian

2021 ◽  
pp. 96-137
Author(s):  
Virginia Hill ◽  
Alexandru Mardale
Keyword(s):  
Differential Object Marking ◽  
Default Option ◽  
Left Dislocation ◽  
Clitic Left Dislocation ◽  
Direct Objects ◽  
Object Marking

Chapter 4 focuses on DOM in Modern Romanian, for both direct and indirect objects. The data are organized according to the type of DOM mechanisms, with separate sections for CD, DOM-p, and CD+DOM-p. The pragmatic effects noticed for Old Romanian DOM are re-assessed, considering that the contrasting interpretation of CD versus DOM-p is neutralized. The major changes concern the loss of CD with direct objects and its recycling in conjunction with DOM-p. While DOM-p declines and becomes more specialized for the end of the specificity scale, CD+DOM-p turns into the default option for DOM with direct objects, as opposed to CD, which becomes the default option for DOM with indirect objects. Increased productivity for CD+DOM-p coincides with the parallel expansion of Clitic Left Dislocation in the language, which completely replaces the constituent fronting through Topicalization.

The acquisition of differential object marking in Hindi as a foreign language

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaricia Ponnet ◽  
Kristof Baten ◽  
Saartje Verbeke
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Language ◽  
Language Learners ◽  
Cross Sectional Study ◽  
Grammatical Structure ◽  
Heritage Speakers ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Differential Object Marking ◽  
Foreign Language Learners ◽  
Direct Objects ◽  
Object Marking

This article explores a grammatical structure — differential object marking (DOM) — that is particularly difficult for L2 learners to acquire. DOM is a phenomenon in which some direct objects are morphologically marked and others are not. In Hindi, animate direct objects are always marked with the objective case marker ko, whereas specific direct objects are only optionally marked with ko. Inanimate and non-specific direct objects are never marked with ko and take the unmarked nominative form. DOM in Hindi has been found to pose a problem to heritage speakers of Hindi. The present study investigates whether similar difficulties exist for foreign language learners. A cross-sectional study was conducted among 30 foreign language learners of Hindi completing an oral production task. The results suggest that the learners do not have difficulties with the concept of DOM in itself — they know that not every direct object needs to be marked —, but rather with the variable conditions under which DOM occurs. The study defines five developmental profiles, which reflect a gradual accumulation of contexts appropriately marked with the objective case.

Differential object marking and object scrambling in the Guaraní language cluster

2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-55
Author(s):  
Eva-Maria Roessler
Keyword(s):  
Differential Treatment ◽  
Direct Object ◽  
Functional Domain ◽  
Differential Object Marking ◽  
Base Position ◽  
Case Marker ◽  
Parallel Data ◽  
Applicative Constructions ◽  
Direct Objects ◽  
Object Marking

Abstract The parallel data discussed in this article suggest that in Guaraní languages differential objects seem far from being exclusively highlighted in morphology. Instead, the Guaraní dom systems exhibit a differential treatment of certain direct objects within narrow syntax. Focusing on [+animate] direct objects, I supply evidence that [+dom] direct objects scramble out of their base position into a higher, vP-internal, projection, namely αP (following López 2012). This short DO scrambling is derived including data from simple transitive, ditransitive, and applicative constructions as well as from object conjunction. The short scrambling within vP is followed by further direct object dislocation into a higher functional domain, an operation described in literature as triggered by φ-feature under T° and targeting a specifier in an expanded functional domain (Freitas 2011b). DOs that move out of their base position may be marked with the overt case marker, homophonous with dat case. The homophony between dat and dom is conceived as morphological opacity in the Guaraní case. Syntactically, however, [+dom] DOs pattern together with their zero-marked acc counterparts, rather than with indirect objects.

Differential object marking in Standard Turkish and Caucasian Urum

2015 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefanie Böhm
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Strong Dependence ◽  
Differential Object Marking ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Object Marking

AbstractDifferential object marking (DOM) is a common feature of many languages, including Standard Turkish and Urum, a Turkish variety spoken by ethnic Greeks in Georgia. This article investigates the interaction between case marking and word order in both varieties of Turkish. While Standard Turkish shows a strong dependence of the case marking possibilities from word order, i.e. bare objects may only appear in immediately preverbal position of a clause, the analysis reveals that bare objects in Urum may occur in any position of a clause. This provides evidence that the verb in Urum can freely move within the VP.

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